The Nepal Digest - October 7, 1997 (23 Ashwin 2054 BkSm)

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The Nepal Digest Tues Oct 7, 1997: Ashwin 23 2054BS: Year6 Volume67 Issue 1

Today's Topics:

                    PM Thapa - A Factual Profile
                    In the Name of the People
                    Nepal's Easy Access to U.S. University Degrees
                    Buddhists in Nepal are over 55%
                    Volunteering in Nepal
                    Road Infrastructure

 * TND (The Nepal Digest) Editorial Board *
 * -------------------------------------- *
 * *
 * The Nepal Digest: General Information *
 * Chief Editor: Rajpal JP Singh (Open Position) *
 * Columnist: Pramod K. Mishra *
 * Sports Correspondent: Avinaya Rana *
 * Co-ordinating Director - Australia Chapter (TND Foundation) *
 * Dr. Krishna B. Hamal *
 * Co-ordinating Director - Canada Chapter (TND Foundation) *
 * SCN Correspondent: Open Position *
 * *
 * TND Archives: *
 * TND Foundation: *
 * WebSlingers: Pradeep Bista,Naresh Kattel,Robin Rajbhandari *
 * Rabi Tripathi, Prakash Bista *
 * *
 * +++++ Food For Thought +++++ *
 * *
 * "Heros are the ones who give a bit of themselves to the community" *
 * "Democracy perishes among the silent crowd" -Sirdar_Khalifa *
 * *
****************************************************************** Date: Mon, 06 Oct 1997 16:56:09 -0400 From: "Roger Smith" <> To: Subject: PM Thapa - A Factual Profile

 The International Who's Who 1983-84
 47th Edition
 Europe Publications Limited

 Nepal Who's Who 1997
 Deepal Aryal - Chief Editor
 Research Center for Communications and Development (RECOD)

 1. Mr. Surya Bahadur Thapa started his political career by executing
     "underground student movement" in 1950.

 2. In 1958, he was elected to the assembly and became Chairman of the
     advisory council.

 3. In 1959, he was elected as member to the Upper House.

 4. In 1960, he was appointed Minister of Agriculture, Forest and
     Industry under the newly formed panchayat system.

 5. In 1962, he served as Member of National Legislature and Minister
     of Finance and Economic Affairs.

 6. In 1963, he was appointed Chairman of the council of ministers and
     Minister of Finance, Law, Justice and General Administration. During
     this period he was instrumental in abolishing "Land-Birta-System"
     and set strategies to promote land reform by consolidating
     tenancy rights of the tenants. He was also responsible to bring
     "Muluki-Ain" , through which he attempted to eradicate untouchiability
     and strengthen Women's Rights to vote and other social rights and

     To this regard he promulgated laws to protect the fundamental
     rights of the citizen of Nepal.

 7. In 1966, he was appointed Prime-Minister under the modified
     constitution of Nepal. He was responsible to expand the coverage
     of the constitution of 1962 and promulgated 2nd amendment to make it
     people oriented.

 8. In 1967, Prime-Minister Thapa released Mr. B.P. Koirala who was in
     jail for 7 years. Mr. Koirala was released by Mr. Thapa at his
     sole-responsibility and risk.

 9. In 1967, then Prime-Minister Thapa tendered resignation from the
     post of Prime-Ministership as he found that the long tenure
     of One-PrimeMinister was undemocratic in the development of the
     country. Prime-Minister Thapa tendered his resignation to the Nepali
     people over the National Radio.

 10. In October 1972, Mr. Surya Bahadur Thapa was arrested and
      imprisoned in Nakhhu-Jail when he
      demanded Political-Reform by acting up 13 point resolution which
      included democratic changes in the
      constitution and restoring rights to the people with democratic
      election, in the Itum-Bahal address to public meeting.

 11. In March 1974, while arrested, Mr. Surya Bahadur Thapa went for
      21 days hunger strike demanding
      major political reform in the country.

 12. In 1979, Mr. Thapa was nominated to the National Panchayat
      system. During this period, student
      movement was strong against the Panchayat system. Mr. Thapa
      was instrumental as PM in holding
      people's mandate under the Royal Proclamation. The end result
      was the people voted for
      the improved and modified Panchayat System. In 1979
      Prime-Minister Surya Bahadur Thapa
      provided amnesty to all exiled political leaders and was
      released from the prison. He also invited
      those living outside the country.

 13. In May 1980 the improved Panchayat system came into effect with
      the introduction of adult
      franchise in electing the representatives, election of the
      Prime-Minister by the elected members of
      the National Assembly. These were introduced in the improved
      constitution of the Panchayat system.

 14. In 1981, election of the above was followed. Mr. Thapa was again
      democratically elected under the
      improved election system from the Dhankuta district. Mr. Thapa,
      was then elected Prime-Minister for next
      5 years.

 15. In 1983, the local, district and union election was completed
      under the improved election system. During
      the period the nation embarked into sustain ability of the
      development works and consolidated
      development programs such as Kulekhani Power System,
      Myrshyangdi Hydro Power and Devi Ghat
      Hydro Power. Besides, the Arun III was studied and a blue
      print of the power generation was also
      drafted. The Teaching Hospital , Nepal Television Network,
      National Panchayat Building was also
      designed and built with regard to constitution.

 16. In 1983, the government was suddenly toppled due to the
      calculated differences among the parliament
      members and PM Thapa was ousted from the Prime-Ministership.

 17. Between 1983-1990, Mr. Thapa made piquant remark on the National
      Politics of Nepal, the character
      of the system and urged the people to be characteristic,
      disciplined yet firm to restructure the national
      development of the country. Mr. Thapa bitterly criticized
      those adverse political forces and gangsters
      who wanted to doom the fate of the nation by misguiding people
      and central level authorities. He urged
      the people to condemn such activities in order to strengthen
      the political and economic development
      process in the country.

 18. Surya Bahadur Thapa's statements were quoted on many leading
      national newspapers. There was an malicious attempt to assassinate
      one of the editors (Padam Thakurathi) who widely
      covered Mr. Thapa's views. The editor
      was shot and lost an eye. An attempt was made to assassinate
      Mr. Thapa while traveling through
      Jhallari, West Nepal and he was cordoned by the local people to
      save his life. (This incident is
      known as Jhallari-Kanda).

 19. In 1985, the nation faced the Bomb-Scandle. Surya Bahadur Thapa
     was charged for the bomb explosion. The
     explosion of the bomb in National Panchyat Building led to death
     of one parliament member and caused damages to
     the building. Mr. Thapa's house was ransacked by the police but
     the government could not prove the charges.

 20. In 1990, Multi-Party system came into being. Mr. Thapa started
      the National Democratic Party (NDP/RPP)
      and became the President/Chairman of the party.

 21. In 1991, Communists made an attempted to assassinate Surya
      Bahadur Thapa during his public address at
      Banepa of the Kavre district. Mr. Thapa had to take support of
      the police to protect his life.

 22. In 1991 election, he was not allowed to address the people and
      his vote booth was captured forcing him to lose
      the election.

 23. In 1994, Mr. Surya Bahadur Thapa was democratically elected to
      the Party Chief for the next 4 years.

 24. In 1994 by-election, Mr. Thapa was democratically elected to the
      House of Representatives.

 25. In 1995, his party actively supported the congress to form the
      co-alition government. Mr. Thapa, as the
      president of the party played the lead role.

 26. Elected Prime Minister of Nepal for the 3rd time by the House of
     Representatives, PM Surya Bahadur Thapa led
     NDP/NC/NSP coalition government in October of1997.

 Other Information:

 I. Former Prime Minister, Current Chairman and President - National
    Democratic Party (NDP)

 II. Date of Birth: March 21, 1928 Muga Village, Dhankuta
     Family: Beloved wife - Mrs. Sushma Thapa
     Son - Mr. Sunil Thapa
     Daughters - Ms. Sabita Thapa, Ms. Sarita Thapa, Ms. Sabina Thapa

 III. Education: Muga Sanskrit Pathshala - Early Education
                         Padmodaya High School - Matric
                         University of PB - I.A.
                         Allahabad University - B.A.
                         Kurukshetra University - Hon. Doctor of Literature

 IV. Honors and Awards:

        a. National: Nepal Shreepad I
                          Tri-Shakti Patta I 1963
                          Gorkha Dakshin Bahu I 1965
                          Vishesh Seva Padak
                          Daibi-Prakob Piditoddar Padak 1968
                          Subha-Rajya-Vishek Padak 1975
                          Om Ram Patta 1980

        b. International: Order of the Federal Republic of Germany
                               Order of the National Du Merite France

 V. Inspiration: Family
                             Nepal's Rural Environment and Poverty
                             Indian Independence
                             Democratic Movements in Asian Countries
                             Revolution of 1950 in Nepal against
                                           the Rana dictatorship

 VI. Belief: "Democracy can not be flourished without proper
                   protection of nationalism, human values
                   and human dignity in a liberal environment."

 VII. Hobbies: Gardening and a voracious reader

 The International Who's Who 1983-84
 47th Edition
 Europe Publications Limited

 Nepal Who's Who 1997
 Deepal Aryal - Chief Editor
 Research Center for Communications and Development (RECOD)

****************************************************************** Date: Fri, 26 Sep 1997 18:16:30 -0400 (EDT) From: "Pramod K. Mishra" <> To: The Nepal digest Editor <> Subject: In the Name of the People

Dear Editor,

        All over the world, much has been committed and sacrificed in the name of the people. Diana recently died in a love chase--the love of the paparazzi for her face and scandal and her love for her billionaire-- but was deified and tears shed in the name of the lepers, the landmine victims, the sick, and the people. Mother Teresa lived, many Hindus of India blaim, converting the poor and the helpless, but received and died in the name of the poor, the hungry, the sick, the dying. But these are saints and humanitarians, whose measure of compassion is unmeasurable.

        Tyrants and autocrats of all hues, too, rule and crush and stomp their populace in the name of the people. Riding on your moral high horse, you shout, "In the name of the people . . ." and your every conspiracy, no matter how heinous, becomes valid; your every speech, no matter how filled with lies, becomes sacred; your every law, no matter how crushing and draconian, turns into an article of faith for the people. Indispensable for the safeguards of the people's lives and property. A must to guarantee the rights of the people.

        And so in a democracy and free market system also, you mouth
"people" and "the working class," but secretly adhere to ideas and systems that fill the coffers of the feudal lords and capitalist maniacs, in this case the Third World kind, who looted and amassed in the don't-ask-don't-tell days of Cold War dollar flow. And the people watch the screen and believe your words and shed tears of long- distance pity, worship, and kindness.

        Take for example, Nepal and the leaders who keep the
"In-the-name-of-the-people" alive in their every sentence. The Congress Party of B. P. Koirala made a popular start by invoking the people, adopted democratic soicialism as its its politico-economic agenda, but sent the sons of big landlords with sizable landholdings particularly in the Terai to the conferences of International Socialism. It might have been an article of faith with B. P. to proclaim socialism at the time in line with his closeness with Indian socialists such as J. P., Lohiya, and such. But after his death, the gap between words and deeds yawned among the Congress leaders. And now when you look at the Congress Party of G. P., K. P. and Ganesh Man, you find a nexus of pandits and landlords, the scions of those whom in the free-for-all of 2007 B. S., the Congressy Cadres threatened and extorted money for party use. And the third voter bank with the Congress are the duped people of the Terai. Terrorized by the Rana regime, silenced by the Panchayat, they easily support the Congress as a party that outwardly shows a soft corner toward India. These people of the Terai, floundering in the world of caste, ritual, and political dispossession, think that this "soft corner" means them, their welfare, their culture. Adherence to India means commitment to their cause. True, many leaders of the Congress speak impeccable Hindi or Maithili and what have you by virtue of living in exile in India, but proficiancy in speech and knowledge of culture are taken as examples of commitment.

        There was a trader near our village. In the days, when the jungle of the eastern Terai was untouched and innocent tribes such as Sataar, Dhimals, Khabash, Tharus, Tajpuria, Gangai, and Rajbanshi lived in them and worked the fallow land for livelihood, in those days, this trader, arriving from a desert Indian province with nothing save a brass pot and torn rug, made himself learn the local languages. In a few years, he mastered quite a few languages, even difficult ones such as Dhimal or Satar languages. He spoke with a Satar in Satar language, with a Dhimal in Dhimal language. Delighted to find this outsider speaking their language, all the tribals came to him to sell their crops, buy salt, kerosene, and clothes, and borrow money. Everyone else knew that the trader duped the tribesmen in measurement, price, and interest, for he was the only one who knew the numbers and letters. But the tribesmen never understood the difference between language familiarity and economic interest.

        People in whose name slogans are invoked very often turned into these credulous tribesmen. Whether these people come from the plains or the hills.

        And then we have the dominant communist party of Nepal. By name and raiment, communists, believing in the priciples of socialism, people-oriented, poor-oriented, working class advocates of working class people. But now, many accuse them of hiding tyranny under their sleeves, joining forces with the rightist party to stifle free speech and social movement. At least, the anonymous article, written (it seemed from an analysis of its content) by an English-school educated Panchayat ideologue of the defunct "PANIJABUS", the notorious think tank of the Panchayat era. It would be interesting if someone does a thorough analysis of this article in order to compose the personality of its writer(s).

        The people of Nepal are in danger. Their life and limbs are under attack. Their rights violated, their houses burned, their property looted, their heads chopped off. And so the present Nepali ruling communists in line with their rightist partners want a new law, a new weapon (actually an old weapon) to combat what they call terrorism. Whose terrorism is it? Who has created such a havoc?

        A wisp of a man from Gorkha named Babu Ram Bhattrai. A Brahmin indeed from an impoverished family (as all Brahmins are supposed to be, but most these days have become opportunists and corrupt), he stood Board first in his School exams from his far-flung district high school. He studied engineering, did his PhD from South Asia's top school JNU and refused to be a bureaucrat or a functionary of a national or international NGO. (If I had stood Board first, I might have become stinkingly rich, who knows, by foul means) For a time, he taught in a Kathmandu college, but gave that up, too, so he could keep the mainstream communists in line, those who, according to him, had given up their ideology and become bourgeois politicians. In the name of the people . . .

        But who should one trust? Whose invocation of "the people," the people themselves should undertand as true and sincere and efficacious in the long run? The Congress? The Communist Party of Nepal? The Rightist Panchayat Party? Or, the militant communist groups that, following orthodox Marxist line, are ready to use violence to get to their end, including Dr. Bhattarai?

        As long as hunger remains in the belly or bodies exposed to the elements, we will always have Babu Ram Bhattarais and Mother Teresas. One examines the world's misery from a materialist perspective and the other spiritual; one takes aim at the root and the other focuses on the consequences. In this day and age of Globalization of voting and freedom of buying and selling, does Dr. Bhattarai, in spite of his fierce sincerity and vows of poverty, think that he can bring about violent overthrow of the political structure in India-bound Nepal? First, India has to go his way, only then he can hope for anything in Nepal. Look at Nepal's history. Indian politics has stymied, inspired, controlled, stimulated, and guided the political structure in Nepal, including the Cold War beneficiay Panchayat system. And in India, from Nexalism to contemporary militancy in Bihar and Andhra Pradesh, violence as a method of achieving social and political justice hasn't shown any sign of gaining mass base and support. In order to achieve anything beyond just publicity and small success, wouldn't it be better to educate the people of Nepal first so that whenever some one says "In the name of the people," people would know the difference between a fraud and a messiah, between words and deeds?


*********************************************************************************************** Date: Sat, 27 Sep 1997 20:42:37 +0545 (NPT) To: From: (Pratyoush Onta) Subject: an article from Kathmandu

The following was published in The Kathmandu Post on 26 September 1997. A shorter version had earlier appeared in Across, No. 2 (August 1997). The argument is extracted from my "Activities in a 'fossil state': Balkrishna Sama and the improvisation of Nepali Identity" published in Studies in Nepali History and Society, vol 2, no. 1 (June 1997).

The Politics of Knowledge Historicizing Love for Nepali by Pratyoush Onta

        Dominant national rhetoric would have us believe that Nepalis have expressed an attachment towards the Nepali language since a long time ago. This is how nationalism writes its own history but social historians interested in historicizing Nepali nationalism itself need to recognize that the love expressed for the Nepali language in Nepal is of recent vintage. In a recent article, the Indian historian Sumathi Ramaswamy has argued that "the attachments expressed towards a language are subject to negotiation and change" and the power a language "exercises over a specific body of people is itself culturally constructed and historically contingent." This argument is central to my essay as well.
        At the very outset, I should clarify that my aim is not to describe the history of Nepali language per se. Many historians of Nepal have done so in the past and their work has just been synthesized in a useful manner by researcher Purnaprakash Nepal 'Yatri' in his book, Nepali Bhasako Aitihasik Mimamsa (2053 V.S.). Instead my focus is on the process through which the Nepali language came to occupy a central place in the dominant cultural identity of Nepalis over the last 100 years. The rise to the dominant status of the Nepali language over this period is usually described as a state project. While it is true that without the support of the Nepali state, the language would not have risen to such a level of dominance, it would be a mistake to allow too much agency to the state alone. The agency of many Nepalis whose life and work consolidated the Nepali language through contributions to its literary corpus needs to be stressed as well.
        Elsewhere I have described how projects of improvising the Nepali language and the national history of Nepal written in the bir (heroic) mode were first started by a small group of expatriated Nepalis in British India in the early decades of this century. The Nepali language was first promoted by this early generation of Nepali nationalists as their unifying motif within an overall agenda of improvement and progress of the Nepali jati. Since the mid-1920s Darjeeling-based Nepali language activists such as Parasmani Pradhan, Suryabikram Gyawali and Dharanidhar Koirala made a decisive effort to rename their language as Nepali and worked toward the creation of a respectable corpus of literary works written in Nepal. This work also involved a conscious politicization of the Nepali community in India. Hence it was hardly palatable to the powerful Rana rulers of Nepal who did much to ensure that the work of Nepali jati activists in British India did not 'contaminate' the sensibilities of Nepalis within Nepal. But despite Rana control, the work of Nepali jati activists based in India did reach Nepal and was read by a small group of intellectuals on whom it had enormous influence.
         For an understanding of how the Nepali language and literature were fostered within Nepal as part of the project of building a national Nepali culture during the first half of this century, we will have to look at the work of many people who contributed to this project. A complete social history of the circumstances under which various social agents accomplished the enrollment of the Nepali language for their projects of imagining the Nepali nation can not be written given the current state of our knowledge. However, we can begin to see the terrain that requires study by focusing on the early life and work of Balkrishna Sama (1903-1981), one of the founding fathers of modern Nepali literature and one of Nepal's most articulate nationalists.
        Balkrishna Sama: Sama first sought personal attachment to the Nepali language in his early childhood. In a dominant milieu where the social legitimacy of this language and his personal emotional investment in it were both open to mockery and interrogation, Sama initially experimented with culturally familiar literary forms of the Nepali language as his way to negotiate a minimum but critical attachment to it. He thus mainly wrote poetry in traditional rhymed verses. By the early 1920s, Sama had begun to define his Nepal as a place lacking "pure" Nepali culture. As he developed as a writer in the next two decades, Sama began to make the Nepali language the center of his search for a new national identity for Nepal. As the power the Nepali language exercised over Sama and his own personal attachment to it became greater, an increasingly more confident Sama explored this relationship in a culturally and literally novel form of dramas or plays. At this point in his career, he was greatly influenced by the work of Gyawali and other Nepali jati activists based in British India.
        Sama's plays and other writings, products of his own attachment to the Nepali language and embodying his own imaginations of the Nepali nation, proved to be particularly important media with which the literary and intellectual elites of Nepal could generate and celebrate their own attachments towards the Nepali language. Sama used, for instance, his meditation over the Nepali language in his play Mukunda Indira to claim a culturally 'pure domain' for Nepal, separate from the colonial 'debauchery' of Calcutta. For other cultural elites this play embodied a heavy dose of Nepali patriotism. In addition Sama also taught what he wrote to his students at the Darbar School. In the 1940s and the 1950s, Sama contributed to the elaboration of bir history through full-length and short historical plays such as Bhakta Bhanubhakta, Amarsingh, Nalapanima, etc. These plays were performed in different places and were important media through which lessons on Nepali nationalism were dispersed.
        As Sama's written corpus in the Nepali language grew in size, larger historical contingencies following the end of Rana rule in Nepal in 1951, contributed to the Nepali state's increasing enrollment of the Nepali language and literature into its own projects of imagining the Nepali nation. In this context his works earned a wider readership through their inclusion in the curricula of educational institutions and through general dispersion in the print and radio media. Hence Sama's works contributed to not only the process through which Nepali language reigned power of attachment over the population living within Nepal, but also to how particular ways of imagining the Nepali nation, its literature and history gained legitimacy in post-Rana Nepal.
        Conclusion: Through the kind of inquiry discussed here, we break open the isolated (but fertile) research field of Nepali literary history and begin to locate the place of Nepali language and literature within the social history of Nepali nationalism. Our research into the social process through which the Nepali language and literature were increasingly included in the production of the dominant Nepali national culture and identity will jointly illuminate the work of those individuals who made Nepali language the vocation of their lives, and the work of the Nepali state which has taken upon itself the task of being the chief nation-maker in the recent decades. Such research will help us understand the process through which love for the Nepali language and national history were first socially constructed in specific individuals in early part of this century within Nepal through the influence exerted by the work of India-based Nepali nationalists and only later inculcated in a larger group of Nepalis through the use of the nationalized education system and the media.
        We need more historically specific studies before making broad sociological generalizations regarding the history of Nepali nationalism in the twentieth century. More detailed studies should gradually generate a body of knowledge that will make a macro-level description of this process possible. In the meantime, agency-less history of how the Nepali language and literature came to be one of the dominant markers of the Nepali identity or one in which the Nepali state is given excessive agency in this process should be critiqued for their adoption of a clearly inadequate methodological approach to the study of this phenomenon.

************************************************************* To: Date: Sun, 28 Sep 1997 18:10:30 Subject: Request for Specifics From: (SANGITA)

Hi! I heard about your electronic magazine. I'd be pleased if you could send me details about it. We too run a bilingual
(Eng+Nep) magazine called ACROSS. We run regular features on Women's issues, health, politics, sports, entertainment & book reviews. Besides that we cover various other features depending upon the responses & articles we get. Thank you.

Sangita Rayamajhi Editor/Publisher

***************************************************** Date: Sun, 28 Sep 97 11:10:47 -0700 From: Shera Selzer <> To: Subject: (no subject)

My daughter is currently a student at the university in Cairo, but their computer system is outdated and making research difficult, thus I am attempting to research volunteer, internship or apprenticeship opportunities for her in Nepal, as she plans to travel there in January 1998. She is an art major and very interested in working with artisans or learning about local medicinal and healing techniques as might be available by working side by side in the practice of Tibetan healing. In adition she is very interested in the environment and would welcome any volunteer opportunities in maintaining Himalayan ecosystems. Please forward any and all information to Shane Selzer Thank you very much for any guidance you may be able to give.

******************************************************** Date: Mon, 29 Sep 1997 7:56:09 CDT To: (The Nepal Digest) From: Bhuban Pandey

Dear Netters:

We like to wish you a happy Bijaya Dashami. Thanks.

Bhuban, Prabha and Bhumika Pandey Austin, Texas

******************************************************* Date: Mon, 29 Sep 1997 08:09:48 -0700 From: internat <> To: Subject: Nepal's Easy Access to U.S. University Degrees

When Nepalese students fly into Birmingham, Alabama, to attend Jefferson State Community College, they are taking the first step on the road to a U.S. university degree. For less than $3,000 per year in tuition and fees, for over thirty years dozens of Shreshthas, Khans, Bastolas, Mallas, and other young Nepalese students have begun their university degrees in this College. Two years here followed by two years at one of the nearby universities has been the plan they have followed to get a Bachelor's Degree and then they have gone on to even higher degrees at a wide variety of universities all over the U.S. If you know of people contemplating an American university degree, I can send them advice on how to get a student visa and how to gain admission to this College.

        Meanwhile, check us out on our homepage at

        or send me an e-mail (Attention:W. F. O'Rourke) at

        or send me a fax (Attention W.F.O., International Office) at


*********************************************** From: Bhikkhv Seevali <> To: The Editor <>, Date: Mon, 29 Sep 1997 15:51:33 GMT Subject: Buddhists in Nepal are over 55%

Dear Sir,

Please include this message in your coming Nepal Digest.

As Ms. Julie wrote in your issue of 27th September 1997, that Buddhists in Nepal are only 6%. According to Nepalese government it is not even 6% but 5%. This is a wrong information about Nepalese Buddhists. We Nepalese Buddhist strongly belive that there are 55% Buddhists in Nepal. Not only before democracy 1990 during Pancayat period but also in present day government is ignoring the religious freedom in Nepal. According to them who ever celebrate Hindu festival is Hindu not Buddhist or else. Such is a propaganda. If this is the case then who live in the west and America do celebrate Chrismas. Are they all Christian. Not at all.

According to government censor about 30-40 years ago there were about 28% Buddhists in Nepal. In 10 years time this droped to 13% and forllowing censor was 5% only. Why is this. Is all Buddhists in Nepale under family planning or what. Such is a propaganda. Due to this we Buddhists in Nepal have no rights. A month ago a Japanese monk was murdered brutaly. No investigation took place. Why is this?

Lumbini, Birthplace of the Buddha, has become a bagging bowl for all Nepalese politices. Why is this. We demand religious freedom in Nepal.

May all gain peace and harmony. May all beings be kind and compassionate. May all beings rejoies the joy of freedom.

Seevali Lumbini Nepalese Buddha Dharma Society (UK) Founder President.

******************************************************** Date: Sun, 28 Sep 1997 11:39:02 -0400 From: Krista Guenther <> To: Subject: volunteer

I'm interested in offering volunteer services in Nepal. Could you please send me some information. Thank you sue wiebe 5212 Fillinger Cres. Nanaimo, B.C. V9V 1H7 Canada

************************************************************************ From: Date: Sun, 28 Sep 1997 09:55:31 -0400 (EDT) To: Subject: volunteering

Try to see Fr. Eguene Watrin who runs volunteering service in Kathmandu. I used to live in Godavari Alumni Association based in Kathmandu. His old number used to be 011-977-1-4(or)2-13057. GAA is located behind Malla Hotel at Thamel. Goodluck

********************************************************************* Date: Sun, 28 Sep 1997 15:13:38 -0700 From: Shari McLaren <> To: Subject: Volunteering in Nepal

I vistied Nepal exactally 2 years ago and fell in love with the country and its people. Today I am looking to return to Nepal for an extended visit, offering my time and services to volunteering activities (e.g. teaching.)

Please forward inforamtion on how I can obtain further information.

Thanks, Shari McLaren

*************************************************************** From: Date: Mon, 29 Sep 1997 16:59:18 -0700 To: Subject: Road Infrastructure

I am an MSc student in Transport Planning/Traffic Engineering at Newcastle University currently undertaking research for my dissertation topic. I am interested in looking at the environmental impact of the major new road infrastructure links to the Annapurna region and would be grateful for any known sources of information or contacts in order to develop this possible project further.

Best regards


**************************************************************** From: (Mr Tristan Dorling) To: Date: Sun, 7 Sep 97 10:03:41 Subject: TND Foundation services

Hi there, please could you send me information on the services offered by The TND Foundation. Thanks. Yours, Mr. Tristan Dorling, (Chairman) Rainbow Charity for Homeless Children (Nepal).

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*************************************************** Date: Mon, 29 Sep 1997 20:59:19 -0400 (EDT) From: To: Subject: Looking for Nepalis in Macon, Georgia

Hi Everybody, I am Rajesh Acharya. I have been transfered to Macon, Georgia for a six month assignment. I have been living here for about 2 weeks and have not been able to find any Nepalese in this city. Would appreciate it if readers out there knew any Nepalese living in this town.

My home e-mail is: My office e-mail is:

PS: The company I work for, General Electric is actively seeking candidates with a Management Information Systems (MIS) degrees. The candidates preferabley should have strong practical experience (co-op, intern etc.),
  strong leadership background. Please forward resume's as soon as possible to my office e-mail (preferable) or mail resume's to:

Rajesh Acharya 4411 Northside Dr # 27B Macon, GA 31210

***************************************************** Date: Tue, 30 Sep 1997 07:41:23 +0545 (NPT) To: From: (Pratyoush Onta) Subject: article from Kathmandu

The following was published in a special supplement of The Kath Post brought out to celebrate Ganesh Man Singh's life.

Celebrating Ganeshman against Fatalism by Pratyoush Onta

I don't know when I first heard the name of Ganeshman Singh. But I remember that one of the first things I heard about him at a very early age was his daring escape from a Rana jail in the summer of 1944. I heard about this historic event from my grandfather, the late Ganesh Raj Onta (1910-1995), who was a fellow inmate in the same jail. The better-known Ganesh Man, member of the Nepal Praja-Parishad, was serving a life sentence and the little known Ganesh Raj (whose name has all but faded away from nationalist histories of the anti-Rana movement), member of the so-called Raktapat Committee, was serving a 12-year sentence for their various anti-Rana activities. They had both been imprisoned since the early winter of 1940 when the Rana administration led by Juddha Shumsher cracked down mercilessly on all kinds of anti-Rana political activists. I no longer remember the details of what my grandfather told me of the great escape but remember vaguely his telling me that those who remained in the prison, like him, were further tortured by the Ranas in an attempt to extract information about how the escape had been planned and about Ganesh Man's subsequent plans.

Although I was born barely 60 metres from what in recent years has been called his Chaksibari residence, I did not get to see Ganeshman in public until much later. Like many others of my cohort who were born in the mid-sixties, a time when the Panchayat system was consolidating itself, I came to know of his incarceration in the hands of that system only later.

Before Thamel became a tourist ghetto, as I and many of my childhood friends played marbles and 'seven stones' on the street in front of Chaksibari, I recall how especially deserted the whole compound used to look. At that young age, little did I realize the significance of Ganesh Man's continued absence from his home (he was in exile in India for almost a decade) and of his commitment to anti-Panchayat politics. Little did I know then that the very same compound, some twenty years later, would be the site where anti-Panchayat forces would find their strength for the Jana Andolan. I happened to be away from Nepal during the Andolan and hence missed the opportunity to see Ganeshman in public at the pinnacle of his long political career.

The last occasion when I saw him up close was when he visited our house following the death of my grandfather in October 1995. He said a few kind words about his senior during that visit.

Like many other hundreds of thousands of Nepalis, I paid my last respects to the Ironman of our time on September 18th and 19th. As his body was being taken out of Chaksibari for its last trip around the city, I noticed that among the people who constituted the funeral procession, a motley crowd of lilliputian politicians from all the camps of the present Nepali political landscape was also present. Masters of the Panchayati system and diehard Congressi and Comrade types - those chiefly responsible for making a complete mockery of the achievements of the Jana Andolan - were all there. It is a cruel irony that those who were responsible for incarcerating Ganeshman for years during the Panchayat era and who partly built their political careers by calling him 'anti-nationalist', were never themselves incarcerated as part of a much-needed act of cleansing for this nation after 1990. It is doubly ironic that the chief political actors who did virtually everything to marginalize Ganeshman from national politics in the last five years are now doing their 'Ganeshman's loss is irreparable' dance.

Hence it would be completely depressing to let this group of hypocrites define - or more likely hijack - how the memory of Ganeshman should be celebrated in this nation. If we let those party politicians chiefly responsible for the stunting of democracy in Nepal construct a schema within which Ganeshman's legacy is to be captured, we would have failed to honour the giant once again. If we are to make sure that his legacy is itself not incarcerated by the mediocrity of today's party politicians, I suggest that we celebrate Ganeshman as an icon not just for the political field in Nepal but for our entire social fields. This would not only be a fitting tribute to him, but also a necessary strategy for the generation of hope in these desparate times.

There might be many ways in which we can rescue ourselves from the malignancy of fatalism eating away the social body of the Nepali nation. One way in which Ganeshman's legacy could be used for this purpose is to remind ourselves and our posterity of the darkly fatalistic age in which Ganeshman began his political life. The fatalism in which we find ourselves steeped at the moment is by no means more fatal than what pervaded in this society in the 1930s. Our own desparate times are by no means more desparate than the late Rana era. If Ganeshman could rise from a society drenched in hopelessness, so can we. His life and work, should be a giant beacon of hope for people from all walks of life: we too can be the masters of our own destiny. For that to happen we only need to muster up the kind of courage and patience that Ganeshman possessed.

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