Received: from mp.cs.niu.edu (mp.cs.niu.edu [220.127.116.11]) by library.wustl.edu (8.8.5/8.8.5) with SMTP id GAA06400; Thu, 5 Nov 1998 06:51:45 -0600 (CST) Received: by mp.cs.niu.edu id AA29952 (5.67b/IDA-1.5 for nepal-dist); Thu, 5 Nov 1998 03:34:49 -0600 Received: by mp.cs.niu.edu id AA29948 (5.67b/IDA-1.5 for nepal-list); Thu, 5 Nov 1998 03:34:48 -0600 Date: Thu, 5 Nov 1998 03:34:48 -0600 Message-Id: <199811050934.AA29948@mp.cs.niu.edu> Reply-To: The Nepal Digest <NEPAL@cs.niu.edu> From: The Editor <firstname.lastname@example.org> Sender: "Rajpal J.P. Singh" <A10RJS1@cs.niu.edu> Subject: The Nepal Digest - Nov 5, 1998 (20 Kartik 2055 BkSm) To: <NEPAL@cs.niu.edu> Content-Type: text Status: O X-Status: X-Keywords: X-UID: 291
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The Nepal Digest Thursday Nov 5, 1998: Kartik 20 2055BS: Year7 Volume80 Issue2
Today's Topics (partial list):
Please be considerate of the readers
Jobs at Tribhuvan
Martin Chautari Discussion Schedule for Nov
NPPA's 7th annual Bhintuna Celebration!!
* TND (The Nepal Digest) Editorial Board *
* -------------------------------------- *
* The Nepal Digest: General Information email@example.com *
* Chief Editor: Rajpal JP Singh firstname.lastname@example.org *
* (Open Position) *
* Editorial Columnist: Pramod K. Mishra email@example.com *
* Sports Correspondent: Avinaya Rana firstname.lastname@example.org *
* Co-ordinating Director - Australia Chapter (TND Foundation) *
* Dr. Krishna B. Hamal HamalK@dist.gov.au *
* Co-ordinating Director - Canada Chapter (TND Foundation) *
* Anil Shrestha SHRESTHA@CROP.UOGUELPH.CA *
* SCN Correspondent: Open Position *
* TND Archives: http://library.wustl.edu/~listmgr/tnd/ *
* TND Foundation: http://www.nepal.org email@example.com *
* WebSlingers: Pradeep Bista,Naresh Kattel,Robin Rajbhandari *
* Rabi Tripathi, Prakash Bista firstname.lastname@example.org *
* +++++ Food For Thought +++++ *
* "Heros are the ones who give a bit of themselves to the community" *
* "Democracy perishes among the silent crowd" -Sirdar_Khalifa *
****************************************************************** Date: Nov 3, 1998 To: The Nepal Digest <email@example.com> Subject: Nepali News Source: Awake Nepal
(Nepal Jagaran, Oct. 12, Monday)
Maoists get going by the British Pounds
The Executive Intelligence Report of Britain in its volume 25, number 38 issue
published on September 25, 1998 says Nepalese Maoists are getting help from
According to the report entitled Britains Contract Over Nepal Strengthens,
Amnesty International is assisting the Maoists in Nepal.
The report says geo-political experts of Britain have been assisting the Maoist
movement in Nepal to break up the CPN-UML, to weaken the Nepali Congress
and strengthen the monarchy.
The report also says the Royal Palace of Nepal has links with the Buckingham
Palace, and that Prince Gyanendra and Crown Prince Dipendra are members of
the 1001 Club. The 1001 Club is run by Prince Philip of Britain and Prince
Bernard of the Netherlands.
The report, questioning why Britain wants to have influence over Nepal, points
out that the country is an old route for smuggling narcotics and illegal weapons.
The Pakistani intelligence agency, ISI, MI6 of Britain, Mossad of Israel and Arab
intelligence agency also have their presence in Nepal, the report says. The ISI is
making available weapons and narcotics to the Tamil Tigers and the terrorist
groups of North India.
The report also mentions about links with Tibetan refugees, movement against the
Bhutanese king and the Ughurs of China.
Britain wants Kathmandu to become a centre of international drug and illegal
weapons smuggling and women trafficking rather than create a democratic
atmosphere here, the report has said.
Similarly the report has said (Britain) is also creating obstacles to Nepals water
resource development. British intelligence is also involved in freeing Tibet and
Xianjiang from China.
It might be mentioned that Hisila Yami, wife of Maoist leader Dr. Baburam
Bhattarai, is living in a five-room flat in London. Her two children also study in an
expensive school in London.
(Nepal Jagaran, Oct. 12, Monday)
Date: Tue, 03 Nov 1998 10:46:25 -0500
From: mohan <thakurim@VAX.CS.HSCSYR.EDU>
Subject: Please be considerate of the readers
Thank you for your efforts in ppublishing this unique e-journal. I try =
to read it regularly to catch up on kurakani etc. I do have a complaint =
to make, though: I wish that some of the contributors would make their =
remarks shorter and sweeter than going on for pages after pages with the =
same monologue. Their messages would be more meaningful and effective if =
they were to keep to the point and not make a "dantya-katha" of all the =
issues. I, for one , would certainly enjoy my readership more.Right now =
I have to skip multiple passages in the interest of time.
From: "Puspa Man Joshi" <firstname.lastname@example.org>
Subject: Dassain celebration
Date: Tue, 3 Nov 1998 21:48:54 -0500
Tidbits from Columbus
By: Puspa Man Joshi
Dassain celebration in Columbus
Two young gentlemen, Allen Gomes and Ananda R. Tiwari, organized the Dassain
party in Columbus at the Buckeye Village Recreation Center on 3rd Oct. It
was a great party, attended by nearly 60 people from Columbus and vicinity--
Prof. Mohan Shrestha and Bijaya Shrestha from Bowling Green, Prof. Nephil,
Nedina, and Latina Maskay from Wooster, Ohio, Mr and Mrs Baidya from
Findlay, Ohio. The presence of 10 Nepali students from Ohio Wesleyan
University with their 10 international guests made the party more lively.
As usual, it was a pot luck party with wide variety of Nepali foods like
mulako achar, tama tarkari, pulawu, thari thari ko masu, rasbari, ityadi,
ityadi. After the dinner, a cultural program was performed. The party ended
with singing and playing musical instruments. There were some new faces
from Columbus at the party this year- Nabin Sitoula, Adarsha Tiwari, Bimal
Bhattachan, Sumi Gauchan, Bhaskar Panday, Shibha Joshi and Subekchya Joshi.
Our prayers go to Sumit Singh, son of Mukesh Singh and Sarala Panday for his
quick recovery. He has been in the Intensive Care Unit of Children's
Hospital since 7 weeks because of a brain hemorrhage .
Date: Wed, 04 Nov 1998 14:45:54 +0900
From: ted gray <email@example.com>
Subject: Jobs at Tribhuvan
I am writing to you in hopes of obtaining information about possible
job opportunities at Tribhuvan University. I have been "surfing" the
Internet for information on the university, but have come up
empty-handed so far. I'm not certain what Tribhuvan's home page is
I am a qualified English teacher, who recently traveled to Nepal and thoroughly enjoyed my time there. I am at present working in a Korean university, but am sincerely interested in living and working in Nepal as an English teacher. If there is any information that you have regarding that, or even a web page that you can connect me to, I would greatly appreciate it.
Thank you very much.
Date: Sun, 25 Oct 1998 22:40:21 -0800 ()
From: Lillian Thomas <firstname.lastname@example.org>
Subject: WINROCK INTERNATIONAL FAX NUMBER ?
Dear Nepal Digest Readers -
I am interested in finding out the correct address and fax number of the
organisation called WINROCK International. They have produced a document
called Rapid and Participatory Rural Appraisal for Nepal: A Practical
Handbook. I would appreciate this information if anyone has it.
Any suggestions regarding other publications on PRA Methods used in Nepal,
on Gender Issues in Nepal, and Microfinance in Nepal is also of interest.
Thank you very much.
Ms. Lillian Thomas
School of Rural Planning and Development
University of Guelph
Date: Tue, 27 Oct 1998 08:55:43 +0545 (NPT)
From: email@example.com (Pratyoush Onta)
Subject: Martin Chautari Discussion Schedule for Nov
Martin Chautari Discussion Schedule for Nov; all Tuesday meetings begin at
The Women's Freedom Movement in Nepal
Sushila Shrestha, Sashi Shrestha, Sarada Rana
8 Nov (note SUNDAY, 5:30pm)
Today's Nepali 'Pop' Music: how much music, how much noise?
Abhash (Radio Sagarmatha), Bikas Gurung (Red Pulse), Lokesh Shrestha (Music
Christainity in Nepal
Dr K B Rokaya, Abraham Shrestha, Arjun Dhakal, Lakpa Lama
Surgery for all: how?
Dr Saroj Dhital, Dr Govinda K.C., Dr Stephen Bezruchka, Skalpel
Reporting on HIV+/AIDS in Nepal
Abana Onta, Swastika Bhattarai, Manish Gautam
Martin Chautari (tel:246065) is located in Thapathali, Kathmandu (behind VS
Niketan School's first building when going from Thapathali towards
the Maternity Hospital, turn left, turn right after passing the NEFEJ
office and NOT towards UMN and St. Xavier's College; after about 80m you
will see a sign for "Martin Chautari") on an electric pole. Discussions
are held in Nepali or/and English (if chief speaker is a non-Nepali). This
is an open forum and anyone interested can participate.
Do you listen to Radio Sagarmatha (FM 102.4) between 6:30-9:30 every
morning and evening? Dabali, a weekly discussion program, goes on air on
Wednesdays at 8:30am.
Date: Wed, 28 Oct 1998 17:11:08 -0500 (EST)
Forwarded by: Ashutosh Tiwari <firstname.lastname@example.org>
Subject: Could this happen in Thamel, Kathmandu too? Sure.
>From Salon magazine.
--The heart of a tourist hustler
Lonely in India, she befriended
the local playboy. Who could have anticipated what would happen next?
BY LISA DREIER
"Excuse me -- excuse me! Is
your father a thief?"
I pause in the street, somewhere
between a stray dog and the
open sewer. A young Indian man
is calling out to me. "Uh, no
"Because," an easy smile spreads
across his face, revealing nearly white teeth,
"someone must have stolen the stars from the sky and put them in your eyes." His fingers flit upward, then out toward me, acting out his story. Oh, God. It's another tourist hustler. Raking my eyes over him in an instant, I see that he fits the bill. Young, handsome, dressed in the entirely Western clothes that are de rigueur for this type: tight Levis, a macho belt buckle, an imitation Polo shirt. He smiles again, expectantly, as I collapse into predictable laughter.
Maybe he wants to sell me some miniature paintings
-- the specialty in this town. Or he'll try to bring me into a shop, where his 25 percent commission will be added to the price of anything I buy. He may have a similar arrangement with several hotels -- all run by his friend or brother or cousin. Or perhaps he's hoping for an easy romance, or the prestige he'll win among his peers by just taking me out for a drink. You see them in every town -- veering toward you on the streets, calling out from the doorways of souvenir stands. They speak English, maybe a little French, a sprinkling of Italian. Their behavior is so suggestive, so forward, they seem to be a breed of their own -- sprung incongruously from the traditional culture that surrounds them.
"Where do these guys come from?" I would think, weaving past a pack of them who staked out the narrow alleyway like a testosterone-fueled obstacle course. I'd respond with a mixture of exasperation and amusement, occasionally tossing some ironic banter their way as I moved past. "Oh, very nice with the tourist ladies," I said sarcastically to the "stars in the sky" guy. But I couldn't help smiling.
Until I met Rakesh, I couldn't see why this
phenomenon had sprung up not only throughout
India, but on every continent where I have
But after hearing Rakesh's story, I gained a new
understanding of the tourist hustler.
"Hello, will you come and look in my shop?" These were the first words he spoke to me. Another strikingly handsome hustler -- I was familiar with this one. "Oh yeah, your shop, right," I retorted, never stopping as I headed up the cobblestone road. At first glance Rakesh seemed typical -- but something about him was special. I was alone in his city, spending my days writing, and the evenings yawned open like a blank space. After he helped translate a lengthy argument between me and an auto-rickshaw driver one night, I let him take me out for a soda.
It was the start of an unusual friendship.
clear of prying eyes and the red-lit restaurant
Indian men were known to bring foreign women,
we'd meet across town each night after his shop
closed. Over unlicensed beer and spicy dahl, we
spilled our stories to each other. A strange
sprung up between us: total honesty, and no games.
My new friend surprised himself by telling me the
truth about his life, and this is what I heard.
Rakesh first entered the tourist trade at the age
13. "I didn't know anything," he said. He was from
poor, traditional family, and spoke just a few
of schoolbook English. A friend who owned a hotel
began to teach him the ropes. Rakesh helped out in
the restaurant and began to observe the strange
breed of people who ate there. They were foreign,
they had lots of cash and the women were both
captivating and accessible. Rakesh earned no
but when he brought tourists to the hotel, he
received a small commission. This was a nice perk
for his family -- some nights he'd walk home with
extra 50 or 100 rupees for his mother.
He began to work the streets, convincing tourists
shop at places where he'd earn a 25 percent
commission. His good looks gave him an edge --
women and gay men responded when he approached
them with all his charm turned on. Off they'd go,
search of rugs or clothes or paintings. Afterward,
shopkeeper would slip some folded bills into his
during a brief handshake. For a big-ticket item
rug, this could be as much as 8,000 rupees. It was
far more than he could have earned at any regular
job, and several times what his father would earn
Inevitably, Rakesh became acculturated to the
people who formed the center of his working days
and his personal economy. His English improved,
and he picked up slang and a cool demeanor. He
took up smoking. With some of the extra cash, he
bought new blue jeans and button-down shirts. And
eventually, after watching the easy laughs and
tantalizing expanses of skin, he learned to try
with the women.
This brought spectacular success. Rakesh was
handsome by anyone's standards. Like most young
Indian men, he had almost no opportunities to
to Indian women outside his family. But the
girls were easy. They laughed, they looked, they
responded to his touch. They were young and
unchaperoned, sometimes lonely, often full of
He learned to size them up in a glance, and could
spot the willing ones instantly. One-night stands
simply arranged, and after meeting a girl in her
he could still be home in time for his parents'
Sometimes he'd be seeing several different tourist
women at once, all staying in different hotels.
Occasionally, this backfired. One girl came back
see him two days after she'd left, only to find
already sleeping with her friend. Another time, he
invited his four current girlfriends to meet him
restaurant at the same time. When he came through
the door, all four -- none of whom knew about the
others -- turned to say hello. "Who are you?" he
to one. "And you? And you? And you?" then he
turned and ran.
"I was crazy, you know?" he says to me now. "Like this," he taps his forehead. "Not good. But I tell you these things honest, OK? I was very bad."
Being bad was easy. So was dealing drugs, just a
little on the side, to bring in extra cash. It was
natural compliment to his work, which revolved
around swinging with the tourist crowd. He flirted
with gay tourist men, taking them shopping but
steering clear of their propositions. He preferred
women, and he could afford to choose. Many of his
friends, though, were willing to have sex with
men in exchange for money, gifts or shop
Love letters and photographs streamed into the
of his bewildered family, bearing foreign stamps.
"Rakesh has many friends," they'd shrug to each other. It was a double life: His family demanded compliance with a strict and innocent social code, and never saw what he did across town. They would have been upset even to know that he smoked. In the midst of all this, Rakesh got married. His parents had arranged a match for his older brother, and the ceremony was so expensive they figured they'd economize and marry both sons at once. So at the age of 18, Rakesh put on the traditional red turban, mounted a small white horse that had been rented for the occasion and was joined in matrimony with a 13-year-old girl he barely knew. She would continue to live with her family and he with his until some later date when the parents agreed to let the partnership begin. Three years later, he told me he'd never even kissed his wife on the cheek. He visited her family about three times a year; even then they rarely talked to each other. His young wife was very shy.
In the meantime, Rakesh's father found a condom in
his son's wallet. "What's this for?" he demanded.
"Oh, it belongs to my friend who asked me to keep it for him," the son replied.
"Don't lie to me!"
"OK," Rakesh said, cowed. He had learned to deal fast and invent stories on the street, but his family was sacred. "If you don't want me to lie to you, then here. Just take it." He handed the offending packet to his dad. They never spoke of it again. This could have gone on forever, and in some lives, it does. But Rakesh was lucky: He fell in love and woke up. The object of his adoration was an Australian woman, Jeanne, who came to stay with her boyfriend in the hotel where Rakesh worked. The boyfriend got sick (a terrible error) and while he lay in bed, Rakesh and Jeanne talked late into the night, stealing kisses. They cried when she left. Then, a few days later, a miracle happened. Jeanne called him from 150 miles away to say she and her boyfriend had broken up, and could she come back? She did, and she stayed for three months. Rakesh would bring her breakfast each morning, then go out to work the streets. In the evening, he'd fall asleep in her arms -- until just before midnight, when the alarm went off and he rushed home along shadowy, abandoned streets to sleep beside his brother on the floor of the family home. Jeanne was genuine and warm-hearted. She demanded honesty and inspired love. She entreated Rakesh to give up drug dealing and double-crossing women. For her, he did. He'd never been close to someone like this before. It was a gut-wrenching day when Jeanne left to go back to Australia. "Usually, I don't take girls to the train station," says Rakesh, who is well-versed in such departures. "But with Jeanne ..." he trails off, remembering. "I had tears like this," he says, his fingers tracing unstoppable tracks down his cheeks.
"And now, never again I go to that train station. It was terrible." The love stuck. Rakesh showed me her picture, kissing it surreptitiously when his younger brother looked away. It had been two years since Jeanne had left; Rakesh said he was just waiting. Maybe somehow they would make a life together in her country. But Jeanne seemed resigned to a different fate. "Someday I want you and your wife and children to come and visit me in Australia," she wrote in a letter he unfolded carefully from a bulging plastic bag. Now Rakesh works full time in a painting shop. His job is to get tourists to come into the shop, then sell them paintings -- and he's good at it. He makes a monthly salary, most of which goes to his family and a community savings bank. He spends about 15 rupees a day on cigarettes and soda, and only occasionally sleeps with tourists. He and Jeanne tell each other everything in their letters. I liked Rakesh -- he was cheeky and handsome and sweet. His cool exterior hid a gentle soul. "I can't believe I'm telling you this, you know?" he said with a rueful smile, blowing cigarette smoke toward the lake. He said it was because I reminded him of Jeanne. One night, he took me home to have dinner with his family. We walked across a bridge to the other side of the lake, through a maze of dirt roads dimly lit by an occasional shop selling bananas and soda and tiny packets of shampoo. Mothers sat on their front stoops while children played in the street; the entire neighborhood commented as I walked by. Inside their small two-story home, I met the younger siblings. The only daughter, Rana, was about to get married at age 16. The whole family was plunged into a panic because the date of the wedding had suddenly been moved up, and they had three months to come up with 100,000 rupees to pay for the ceremony and dowry. This was a nearly insurmountable task. They were going to have to go into debt; Rakesh had sold his motorcycle and was thinking of dealing drugs again to cover the costs. Nikhil, the younger brother, was 17. He was friendly and had striking looks, as did the entire family. The three siblings drew the curtains, giggling, then cranked the stereo and showed me how they could dance to Western rock music. Nikhil danced outrageously. Their innocence and glee were contagious.
In the middle of all this, we looked over and saw
their mother -- a reserved and dignified woman,
resolute in her traditional veil -- peering
through the window.
"Rakesh, do you think your brother will ever go to work with the tourists also?" I asked him. After all, it was good money.
"No!" he said, with surprising vehemence. He shook his finger to underscore his point. "I won't let him. He is very innocent. Not like me." Later, he said that perhaps he had been too young when he started working with tourists -- too impressionable and ill-equipped to handle the swirl of seductive opportunity. Whatever had gone wrong, he wasn't going to let it happen to his kid brother. It was a few days later that the man in the street asked me if my father was a thief. The line was a new one, but I stared at him, startled by a sense of dj vu. He looked almost exactly like Rakesh! The Western clothes, the smooth and flirtatious body language, the easy English slang. After hearing how contact with tourists had transformed Rakesh's life, I saw this man in a new way. He was a member of an easily identifiable species, and now I understood where they came from. We had created them: we, the tourists -- foreign women, gay men, drug users and souvenir shoppers; we, the exporters of Western culture. The forces that had distorted this man's social world so profoundly were my own. We had come here to appreciate Indian culture, but in the process we were changing it. This man's behavior was just a symptom of that change. Now, when tourist hustlers approach me, I'm not quite so flippant. A part of me is sad. I watch their come-ons and know that in some way, my own society has helped create them. Maybe this is not so bad, but it's an unnatural twist in the ecology of the local culture. I wonder about clashing social values, about who benefits from this cross-cultural encounter. Is it the local men, who come away with new friendships, extra cash or quick romance? Is it the foreigners, whose cultural values leave a powerful stamp long after they've left? What about the people who are entirely left out of this picture -- the local women? By and large, rural India's young women don't have the option of accessing the tourist culture and economy. Older matrons may staff tailoring shops or sell vegetables, and a few young ones work in offices, always taking a back seat to their male colleagues when clients come in. Because most girls are carefully sheltered at home, a rift is springing up within the younger generation. Shortly after I left, Rakesh's wife came to visit his family and stayed for two weeks. "We're starting to talk to each other more, it's good," he said when I called him from Delhi. "But oh, I don't know what to do." He wasn't sure whether or how to approach her physically. She was very innocent; the difference in their experiences yawned wide. It was time for me to leave; I boarded a train and rode for 20 hours from Rakesh's city toward Delhi. Staring out the window as we shuttled through the arid landscape at dusk, I thought about what I'd seen. They say this world will only get smaller, and perhaps it's inevitable that cross-cultural encounters leave their mark. What bothers me is that it seems to be an unequal exchange. Tourists leave a clear trail behind them, transforming pockets of the local culture. But any social impact that they themselves experience is less visible and more fleeting. At the end of their trip, travelers can forget this strange world they have passed through. It's the local inhabitants who don't have that choice. Their world is changed, and they continue to live in it, bending themselves to meet its new shape.
Date: Wed, 28 Oct 1998 20:37:28 -0500
From: Madhusudan Bhattarai <mbhatta@CLEMSON.EDU>
Subject: Some quarries about recent ANMF discussion on brain drain
>>Prajwol Joshi <email@example.com> wrote earlier that:
>Recently there has been discussions within the America Nepal Medical
Foundation regarding the question of so called ? Brain-Drain ??? amongst the Nepalese Physicians being trained in the United States, and concern about the future trainese.> ......let us get out of the conservative thoughts of Brain-Drain ?????? >
Here, I would like to ask Dr. Prajwal Joshi or any other member of
ANMF, also to share with us the recent ANMF forum's conclusion on the
issue of "Brian drain" that you have recently had discussion within the
framework of ANMF. It seems, what Dr. Prajwol Joshi wrote about the "brain
drain" issue earlier in the previous issue of TND, is more like his
personal view, and not, as such, the ANMF organizational view on the topic.
Here, some of us, outsiders of ANMF organizational framework, are also
keen to know what is the ANMF organizational conclusion on this topic.
Whether ANMF organization as such has concluded on the topic in the
line that talking about the brain drain issue, as such, is an extreme
"conservative line of thinking", and arguing in the support of more "brain drain" from the developing country, not necessary exclusively from Nepal, is a more liberal line of thinking in this modern era.
Here, I would appreciate further comments on this topic also from other TND
Date: Thu, 29 Oct 1998 12:57:49 -0800
To: The Nepal Digest <NEPAL@cs.niu.edu>
From: Mahesh Maskey <firstname.lastname@example.org>
Subject: Re: The Nepal Digest - Oct 8, 1998 (22 Ashwin 2055 BkSm)
I am sending this request for petition against state terrorism in India. I
think this is a very welcome move from our Indian friends. Please circulate
it to your personal mailing lists also, if possible. For those of you who
want to sign the petition there is a space at the bottom of the petition
draft. Please send your response directly to:
Indian Progressive Study Group, Boston.
FAX: (617) 497-0316
Dear Dr. Mahesh,
I am a member of the Indian Progressive Study Group in Boston.
I happened to receive and sign your petition against
Anti-terrorist Bill in Nepal. That was a very good and timely
initiative and we are trying to do something similar to that.
I would like to bring to your attention a petition that
has been launched against state terrorism in India. The state
terrorism often appears in the garb of anti-terrorism, in the
form of laws that are used to terrorise people who dare to
hold views contrary to the established views. It prevents
people from affirming their rights and putting forth a vision
for a modern society. I have enclosed the petition below - please
take a minute to read it and lend us your support.
Also, please help us out by sending it to friend who might be
In addition I wanted to inform you that we are holding a conference
this weekend in Ashdown House in MIT. The conference is titled "State
and the Affirmation of Rights".
Please feel free to email me or call me if you have any questions.
My phone number is (617) 864-0579.
Indian progressive Study Group - Boston
As the 21st century approaches, this is an important time for us to
examine and tackle the obstacles that have blocked the progress of
India and Indians in the decades past.
One of the things that strikes us as we look back at the constant
political turmoil that has afflicted India is the failure of the Indian
political system to handle political issues raised by the people,
especially when they fall outside the scope of the self-serving agenda
of the dominant political parties.
The Indian state has a history of using extreme repressive measures and
a policy of suppression for all political agitations in the name of
maintaining "law and order" to the extent of alienating the people of
various regions and rendering it impossible for them to develop and
affirm their rights as human beings.
The history of the past 50 years has been marked by countless instances
of state violence and repression that completely bypass the judicial
system and the network of laws. The anti-democratic laws that have often
been passed have enabled the security forces to terrorise innocent
civilians for their political and religious beliefs and have seriously
interfered in the process by which people can participate in their
governance. Communal massacres and riots have also been repeatedly
perpetrated in a systematic and organised manner while their instigators
have gone completely unpunished.
In view of all this, we are initiating this signature campaign, seeking
your support for India to enter the 21st century on the high road of
civilisation - such that all Indians can fully affirm their rights as
human beings, free of violence and intimidation. This is the start of a
process that will create conditions for all of us to participate in
setting the agenda for the 21st century. The goal of this project is to
contribute towards all Indians being able to participate fully in the
political life of the country, setting the direction of economic
development and determining their own destiny.
Please take some time to look at the enclosed petition and lend your
support to it by signing and returning the same, either electronically
or by fax. Please bring this to the attention of your friends, fellow
students, co-workers and colleagues and encourage them to do the same.
Also enclosed with this letter is a flier for a conference titled "State
Terrorism and the Affirmation of Rights", to be held on October 31st and
November 1st in Boston. We would like your help in publicising the
event and invite you to participate in the conference. If you have any
comments, proposals, questions or need further information, please
contact the organising committee at the address above.
Indian Progressive Study Group
PETITION AGAINST STATE-TERRORISM IN INDIA
1. The instruments of coercion have become the tools of choice for
successive governments in Delhi and in different states of India to
contain the struggles of the people fighting for economic, social,
national and political rights;
2. The current government has made the refurbishment and deployment of
the repressive organs of the state the cornerstone of its policy to
3. Laws such as the National Security Act (NSA), Armed Forces Special
Powers Act (AFSPA), Tamil Nadu Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA) and
other such draconian laws enacted by Parliament or the state
legislatures and upheld by the courts provide legal sanction to the
actions carried out by armed forces, paramilitary and police agencies.
They are used to attack, disperse and terrorise the people, sanctioning
arbitrariness on the part of the status-quo. The existence of these
laws also reveals the inadequacy of the provisions of rights and duties
in the fundamental law of India;
4. The overwhelming majority of the past acts of repression and
terrorism against the people - such as encounter killings, custodial
killings and torture, bus and train massacres, atrocities committed in
territories under armed occupation, and communal massacres - continue
to remain uninvestigated and the perpetrators continue to roam free.
Even in instances where investigations have been done and the culprits
have been identified such as the Bombay massacres of 1992-93, Meerut in
1987, Delhi in 1984, Nellie in 1983 and so on, the guilty remain at
large in spite of and because of the fact that different agencies of
the state have been implicated in each one of the instances;
WE, THE UNDERSIGNED, IN THE NAME OF OUR CONSCIENCE, APPEAL URGENTLY FOR
INDIA TO ENTER THE 21st CENTURY ON THE HIGH ROAD OF CIVILISATION SUCH
THAT ALL PEOPLE CAN REALISE THEIR FUNDAMENTAL HUMAN RIGHTS:
1. All acts of violence, terror and killings irrespective of their
nature -- encounter killing, custodial deaths, humiliation and torture,
communal massacres, killings in buses, trains and bomb-blasts,
counter-terrorist operations, revenge killings and so on must be
investigated, openly tried and the perpetrators punished irrespective
of their positions, political affiliations, or official status
2. All victims of such violence must be assisted for rehabilitation;
3. All arbitrary and draconian laws must be withdrawn and all those
being detained without charge under their provisions must be released
4. The disinformation campaign to portray mass actions and struggles
of the people as "law and order" issues in order to justify their
suppression and to hide their political content must be ended.
Mechanisms and institutions should be established to address political
grievances and socio-economic demands through political means by
modernising the political system, the laws, and institutions in a way
that can unite and empower people;
5. All deployment of the army and paramilitary forces against the
civilian population must be halted, and those already deployed must be
withdrawn to the barracks. People must be able to carry out political
activity and participate in all affairs of society without fear of
violence or armed repression.
NAME ADDRESS/EMAIL INSTITUTIONAL AFFILIATION
PLEASE RETURN SIGNED COPIES OF THIS PETITION BY TO:
FAX: (617) 497-0316
ALSO, Check our web-site: http://members.xoom.com/freeindia/
for further news on the "RIGHTS-98" conference, to be held in Boston,
From: Mahesh Maskey <email@example.com>
In my just send mail containing the petition draft against state terrorism in India, I forgot to change the subject title. Please correct the subject title as,
Petition against state terrorism in India.
From: "Anil Shrestha" <SHRESTHA@plant.uoguelph.ca>
Date: Thu, 29 Oct 1998 14:49:03 EST
Subject: Dashain celebration in Eastern Canada
To: The Editor, The Nepal Digest
From: TND Canada
Dashain was celebrated in various cities of Eastern Canada this year.
Nepali Community Network of Canada (NCNC) celebrated Dashain on
October 10 in Toronto with about 100 people in attendance. A cultural
program was also organized followed by dinner.
Nepal Association in Canada (NAC) celebrated Dashain on October 16 in
Mississauga, Ontario with about 100 people in attendance. Honorable
Consular General of Nepal to Canada Dr. Kunjar Sharma addressed the
gathering. The cultural program started with a beautiful 'bhajan' by
Mrs. Gauri KC followed by songs and dances by various performers. A
Nepali/Indian style dinner was served.
Ottawa: Dasain party was organized in Ottawa on 17th of October. About
60 people attended the party. This party was organized by Radha Basnet,
President of the Nepalese Community Network of Canada (NCNC; Est. 1993).
Nepalese and friends of Nepal from Ottawa, Montreal and surrounding areas
showed up. There was a slide show about Nepal by Caroline Cheng and a nice
Indian dinner followed by a cultural program.
From: "Bhikkhv Seevali" <BS4@soas.ac.uk>
To: The Editor <firstname.lastname@example.org>, NEPAL@cs.niu.edu
Date: Fri, 30 Oct 1998 16:47:18 GMT
Subject: Happy Dipawali
At this happy occation I would like to extend my heartly
greatings to all Nepalese and people intrested in Nepal around the
May I also take this opportunity to great brothers and sister in the
Happy Nepal Sambat 1119 which is uniqe to Nepal and Nepalese.
Amrit Ratna Sthapit (UK)
************************************************************* From: email@example.com To: mailto:NEPAL@cs.niu.edu, NEPAL@cs.niu.edu Subject: ABSTRACT OF RESEARCH ON '36 SAAL KO AANDOLAN. Date: Sat, 31 Oct 1998 09:11:01
I am a Nepali studying in Norway and have just completed a small research on 36 saal aandolan. Below is the abstract of my research. If anyone is interested, I would be glad to send a copy of my 3500 word paper.
Ani Rudra Silwal.
Research Topic:Students and Politicians During the 1979 Uprising in Nepal.
Research question: Was the student-led uprising of 1979 in Nepal spontaneous or organized by the political parties?
This study is on the student uprising of 1979 in Nepal. Since a small student demonstration ended up as a nation-wide uprising, I wanted to examine the forces that contributed to accelerate the uprising. Specifically, I looked at the role of the politicians, since student organisations were affiliated to underground political parties that were banned in the partyless polity. I examined if the political parties actively fuelled the uprising, or if the uprising happenned spontaneously, because of the discontentment in the society.
In order to analyze the role of the political parties, I divided the uprising into three periods: pre-uprising; uprising, except the last day; and the last day. It is generally believed that the uprising started spontaneously. But I discovered, through interviews with contemporary leaders, that before the uprising, the students put in a lot of effort to plan the protests. Leaders of the underground parties supported the students demands, but could not play an active role since they lacked a strong party network.
After the uprising started, the students soon lost control since other sections of the society joined the protests. Many were suffering from the corrupt partyless system. The student demonstrations merely sparked the wildfire that followed. At this stage, the uprising was mostly spontaneous and supporters of the political parties lead it locally without formal instruction of their leaders.
Things changed drastically on the last day of the uprising. The students demands had been fulfilled and the party-leaders were happy with the concessions obtained. But some sections of the masses that were not satisfied with the concessions gave the uprising a violent nature. Because of this violence, the King announced a referendum.
On the whole, the prominent political leaders did little to initiate or fuel the uprising which was largely spontaneous and lead by local leadership.
From: PRAKASH@hbl.mos.com.np (PRAKASH BHANDARI)
Date: Wed, 4 Nov 1998 15:08:16
Subject: ARTICLE ON TOURISM
Please find herewith the attached article on "The Role of Aviation In
With Best Regards,
Date: Wed, 04 Nov 98 08:09:01 EST
From: "Paramendra Bhagat" <Paramendra_Bhagat@smtpgtwy.berea.edu>
Encoding: 273 Text
Subject: Racism : From the Nepalese to the Global Context(VII)
Racism : From the Nepalese to the Global Context(VII)
compiled and edited by Paramendra Bhagat
-First, fiscal restraint is a reason, or shall I say an excuse, given for
not implementing equity initiatives. Many programs are being cut back in this
area. Such programs are considered "soft" and not as important as the
substantive matters in an organization or workplace. A recession causes people
to retrench and compete and not to think about empathy and altruism and
promoting the "other" in the interests of equality. Difficult economic times
lead to attempts to preserve the status quo and systemic barriers to equality
rather than moving toward organizational change. For example, in one school
board near Toronto, the one where Paul Fromm is still working as a teacher, a
department that had struggled to have five people assigned to the different
equity portfolios, including: multiculturalism, curriculum development, anti-
racist initiatives and employment equity, were cut back to one. So you can see
the kinds of struggles we are faced with.
-Second, is the severe backlash we are experiencing toward multiculturalism and all that it stands for. A recessionary climate leads people to blame others for their misfortune and, in particular, to scapegoat minorities. Today, we are seeing a backlash against immigration and a real rise in overtly racist incidents.
-Third, international events influence the present climate in Canada. There is a rise in the right and xenophobia world wide. The very night that David Duke lost the election one of the small synagogues in Brampton was very badly vandalized. Any of these incidents that have racist overtones which occur in other parts of the world may translate directly into incidents in Canada. In other words, international incidents may be a catalyst for groups hoping to perpetrate their deceit. David Duke in the U.S., Le Pen in France, the neo-Nazi rampages throughout Eastern Europe and "ethnic cleansing" in Bosnia, all create a climate in which overt racism begins to be commonplace. These incidents serve as a stimulus for people here to become more bold in their racist behaviour. Another factor is the comparison of Canada with Europe or South Africa. This often leads people to think that we do not have problems here. And so they can blame the victims for complaining rather than acknowledging that racism is inherent to our society as well.
-Fourth, I am very concerned about the increasing divisiveness among and within minority communities and equity seeking groups. ............often those who espouse multicultural, anti-racist or feminist theory are either manipulated by the very structures they wish to change, or are so accustomed to the hierarchical mode of operating that they fail to see the incongruity between the theories they preach and the behaviours they exhibit to achieve their goals.
-Strategies to work toward equality to access and outcome often deteriorate into competition for scarce resources; comparison of levels of pain and oppression and divisiveness within and between equity seeking groups fanned by inter- and intra-group rivalries. Lou Ronson, one of the elders in our community, has a sign over his desk that I asked if I could borrow. It states that:
-"We could get a lot more done if we didn't worry about who got the credit". The essence of this work that we are involved in is to break down the barriers to equality so that there can be equal access for all groups and, ultimately, shared power. But because of the politicization of these issues, the failure of government, communities and the failure of groups themselves to introduce innovative models of funding, management, organizational culture, et cetera, individuals and organizations are forced to end up competing for power. In the 1990s the notions of shared power and the enpowerment of others have been paid lip service while there are increasing attempts to grab power for one's own organization, community or self.
-the dangerous and divisive practice of comparing pain and victimization, or even attempting to undermine significant strides that have made at a time when we need to really band together. I should say one such divisive practice is the deliberate down grading of the concept of multiculturalism by anti-racist rhetoric when, in fact, there are intimate connections historically and politically between anti-racism a\nd multicultural legislation. There is no question that the term "multiculturalism" was interpreted by some who were not ready to use other languages or strategies and wanted to avoid naming the issue for what it was. There is no question that there are some who interpret it as,
"if you love each other, have songs and dances, then everything will be fine". We know that is a crock. But when we actually have the kind of active divisiveness of anti-racist groups standing up and saying that "multiculturalism is all wrong" then what that does is give fuel to those on the right who would like to get rid of it. For those who are do not recognize or at least acknowledge that legislation like the Multiculturalism Act has embedded within it anti-racist initiatives to promote the initiatives we know are so essential. So you will find in most of my talks and publications I use whatever inclusive language I can. Let us not fall into the trap of, "No, it has to be this and not this. "Let us not fall into the role of perpetuating old hierarchical power based structures under the guise of creating new, egalitarian models. That is just a guise if we use those same competitive, hierarchical, "who has the access to power" models.
-there are those in our community who said, "No! Do not cause a fuss, do not rally." But our view was that we need to band together, support people
-A year later, in 1990, the Canada Day Aryan Fest attracted close to 250 skinheads. So the numbers were rising. The League gathered a multicultural coalition of concerned citizens to rally against racism on the steps of the parliament buildings and to march out to the property to protest. We do not believe in direct confrontation or putting any of ourselves or our kids in any kind of jeopardy or violating the law. I remember seeing Mark Sandler speaking on the steps of the building to a rainbow coalition of groups who were standing up against the racists. Once again, the police monitored the comings and goings of the racists and our presence was felt. Because of the adverse publicity, the property owners did not allow the white supremacists to return the following year. Instead, the Aryan Fest fizzled because the groups let them fight amongst themselves, not us. They could not organize themselves or find a place. Our view was that we should make anti-racism newsworthy, not racism.
-You will notice the news mongers. They follow the racists. They do not promote the anti-racist coalitions and people working to fight it.
-a rainbow coalition of Blacks, Jews, First Nations people, Chinese, Sikh community
-"We will not be silent".
-co-ordinated community action not only raises action and increases vigilance, but it also reduces fear and promotes security and solidarity in the fight against racism. When people from diverse backgrounds work together, they learn more about each other, thereby reducing prejudice and stereotyping and ultimately promoting understanding and unity. The intercultural dialogue that results from that is extremely important.
-"The Black-Jewish Dialogue"
-"The Muslim-Jewish Dialogue".
-the morning the war broke out we woke up to seven acts of vandalism and desecration targeting the Jewish community in North York alone. We also opened our papers that morning to read of increased harassment against Arab and Muslim Canadians who were being ostracized in their schools because of their style of dress, or their look, or their name.
-Rabbis speaking out against racism and Imams speaking out against anti- Semitism.
-populism in the United States and Canada, and the connection of modern
populism to the increase in overt racism.
-There are some elements which are entrenched in liberalism which hinders the fight against racism. One is the strong emphasis on individual rights and the lack of recognition of collective rights. In this struggle against hate propaganda, we need to recognize collective rights. Groups of people cannot be insulted, harassed and persecuted; they have collective rights. That is not recognized - the opposite is entrenched. We are seeing that with the Zundel case....
-fascism in the 90s was different from earlier versions. In this view: We are looking at a situation of a global sweep, not just in terms of Germany, but also with France, Russia, a good deal of Europe and elsewhere. We are looking at a new rise of fascism which is not identical to the fascism of the 20's, 30's and 40's. Some participants said that fascists are becoming entrenched in political parties,
-how seductive populism is to a lot of people.
-these people wear suits. They are your neighbours. You do not even know who they are because they "fit in". Attempting to distinguish between racism and fascism, it was stated that: Racism is broader than fascism, so that a person could be racist, but not necessarily fascist. Fascism is a process, movement and ideology that took place in between the two world wars. There were five major countries in Europe that were definitively fascist: Germany, Italy, Spain, Portugal and Hungary. It had a tremendous foundation, or social base, in the lower middle class -the petite bourgeoisie.
-Fascists used a mythology against the Jews in Europe which has existed for 2,000 years.
-both here and in the U.S. What is problematic, is systemic racism.
-"subtle" systemic racism and the rise of racist hate groups.
-hate groups are challenging democracy itself in the hope of establishing racially based enclaves much like there is now in the former Yugoslavia.
-There is systemic racism that we all know in the government, workplace and social settings and then there are hate groups that are really on the extreme right. I feel both of those two forms of racism are a challenge to democracy and to democratic rule... We have to look at both how democracy is being challenged by the intensity and proliferation of hate groups as is happening in the U.S. and Canada.
-a need to monitor hate groups so we know what is required... We need to know who is the enemy.
-Networking would be the key word because there are different levels to fight racists.
-Another is through the legal channels, but the political struggle is more important.
-The third way of fighting racism is through education which is a little long range, but it is fundamental.
-how to relate these levels of activities into one coherent plan of action. Another respondent argued that hate groups do not create racism, but give it a focus, political agenda and a structure.
-groups need to research and monitor racist hate groups as one type of strategy for counteracting racism,
-[leaders of US based hate groups] are coming up here and planning strategy in a very sophisticated way. We have to nip that in the bud.
-the injury they are doing to minorities, women, Native people, and others. They [hate groups] are becoming so sophisticated they know how to escape the letter of the law. It was generally agreed that a number of measures need to be developed to counteract the rise of the far right. Information sharing through networking, organizational development, using computer technology, and information newsletters were recommended as concrete measures to fight racism.
-a national [computer] bulletin board especially if technology is being used by them [racists] for their purpose
-If you want to have immediate action, what you need to do is have a brief that goes to the powers that be, to show we have identified the problem and we now look to the lawmakers to remedy it.
-you cannot get at it [the roots of organized hate groups] What they seem to be doing is developing an IRA model -political theatre. Then you have the hard core types who work behind the scenes bringing AK47s across the border into Alberta, British Columbia and Ontario, fire bombing, graffiti in synagogues, and things like that.
-tremendous co-operation between Christian Fundamentalism and the far right. They have tremendous agreement on issues of sexism, homophobia and racism.
-Of the things that the religious right has in common with the far right is not only the use of scapegoating by constructing a mythological elite, but they both take a look at legal remedies for liberal institutions and assault the democratic character of the country.
-one person noted: If I can also say, from my point of view as a Chinese - Canadian, I feel that with Hong Kong being the focus of the media, talking about 1997, anti-Chinese sentiments have found a new platform. And that is being translated into institutions. For example, mistaken identity by the police is increasingly hurting a lot of innocent people. "Chinese male", that is all they have for a description.
-prejudice is being translated into real life tragedies. These things are happening - without even talking about how these newcomers are scared living in the city and how their houses are being broken into right in Chinatown. I think we are now going down a little, particularly from the political perspective.
- Workshop participants agreed that legislation does not work if people do
not know about it, or do not know how to use it.
-the judiciary needs to undertake anti-racist training and to develop culturally sensitive services.
-there should be funding to support groups helping the victims of racism and for organizations to research and conduct Charter challenges.
-The problem we have had in the United States is that people have been advocating a very legalistic approach to dealing with this problem. What happens is that the far right takes the initiative, saying that there is the elite conspiracy against ordinary Americans. Measure Nine [in Oregon] was exactly like that. Measure Nine was an anti-gay initiative and the Christian right in Oregon got over 500,000, or 43 per cent of the vote, for that measure. They [Oregon Citizens Alliance] did it by scapegoating democratic institutions that had an elite veneer. Democratic institutions did not build a base -they used legal measures. One participant made the point that a co-ordinated strategy for dealing with hate groups or the transmission of hate propaganda between provinces has not been developed. This allows organizations to circumvent restrictions in one province by going to another. As one person noted, a recent Ku Klux Klan Newsletter was deemed to be hate in a number of Eastern provinces, but it was not in Nova Scotia and, as a result, the newsletter was circulated there.
-called on the provincial governments to establish a clear definition and policy which could be co-ordinated nationally.
-the Civil Rights Protection Act and the enforcement of the Criminal Code is very unyielding; having to go and present and have the Attorney General make decisions as to what can and cannot be prosecuted.
-governments need to understand organized racism in order to develop proactive measures to counter it. It was noted that developing expertise costs money and so work which needs to be done is not even attempted. Secondly, because research is not as high profile as the use of banners, balloons, ribbons and buttons to promote multiculturalism, badly needed anti-racism work has not been undertaken.
-the scope of human rights legislation, the process and administration of
human rights cases and that human rights protections are uneven across the
-a new revised and expanded Human Rights Act, noting that the inclusion of parts of the Civil Rights Protection Act would, at least, strengthen the Human Rights Act.
-uniformity of human rights legislation across the country with the best legislation serving as the model for the other provinces: We must also ensure that there is a balance across the country. If you did not have that, a particular province could become a hotbed of racism.
-The crisis in the [human rights] legislation is not so much about words, it is enforcement and speed, dispersion; it is absolutely ridiculous. The federal one is insane. If you improved the enforcement system, you would have better policies. How can you improve the enforcement? Right now, it is awfully bureaucratic.
-The intake system generates so much work for all the people internally. Then the investigator takes too long. It is a Lengthy process, I recognize that. In the community of Provost, they wanted to so something right away, and it took a year and a half. It was suggested that a solution might be a "fast track" system to expedite cases within the various departments of government responsible for Human Rights. Another problem lies in the maze of legislation and regulations which complainants must find their way through before laying a complaint. As stated by one participant: [She] filed a case in the Court of Ontario claiming damages on the basis that she was being discriminated against as a teacher. The Supreme Court in that case held that she could not sue for damages because it was human rights legislation. The government's action under tort law is ousted by the human rights legislation. There are 14 laws [in Ontario] that have something to do with it [discrimination] and you have to go through them and determine which are the ones that apply. The person is so perplexed by that kind of problem they give up. If you are saying that there are a lot of complaints, well there would be more complaints if it were not for the fact that it is just too discouraging to find your way through the process. A suggestion was to have an intake system which helps discuss jurisdictional issues with complainants at an earlier stage of dealing with complaints.
-developing support is a vital factor in human rights issues.
From: "Bhikkhv Seevali" <BS4@soas.ac.uk>
To: The Editor <firstname.lastname@example.org>, NEPAL@cs.niu.edu
Date: Fri, 30 Oct 1998 16:47:18 GMT
Subject: Happy Dipawali
At this happy occation I would like to extend my heartly
greatings to all Nepalese and people intrested in Nepal around the
May I also take this opportunity to great brothers and sister in the
Happy Nepal Sambat 1119 which is uniqe to Nepal and Nepalese.
Amrit Ratna Sthapit (UK)
Date: Thu, 22 Oct 1998 16:11:43 -0400 (EDT)
From: Tulsi Maharjan <email@example.com>
Reply-To: Tulsi Maharjan <firstname.lastname@example.org>
Subject: NPPA's 7th annual Bhintuna Celebration!!
You are cordially invited to attend the 7th annual Bhintuna Celebration on
November 7, 1998 from 3:00 pm to 10:00pm in Maryland.
Place: Glenallen Elementary School in Wheaton, Maryland
Nepa Pasa Puchah America
Date: Tue, 20 Oct 1998 19:47:43 EDT
I AM PAKISTANI STUDYING IN SYDNEY AND WANT TO HAVE NEPALI FRIENDS (AGE 20-26)
I WOULD APPRECIATE IF U SEND INFORMATIONS REGARDING THIS
Date: Wed, 28 Oct 1998 17:38:01 -0500
From: "Rajesh B. Shrestha" <email@example.com>
Subject: Reviving HNC!
Dear TND Readers:
As you may be aware, the Hydropower Nepal Committee (HNC) was formed to
organize a forum on hydropower development during the fifth ANA Convention
in Boston 1997. For a large part, the HNC took the form of an informal and
animated e-mail discussion group.
In light of the recent developments in hydropower scene in Nepal, there has
been a renewed call for HNC and its discussions on water resources
development in Nepal. Thanks particularly to Madhusudan Bhattarai and
Bikash Pandey, we are taking upon ourselves to revive HNC and at least keep
HNC alive in a semi-active form. Here are a few things we plan to do:
1) Resurrect the hnc-members mailing list at our new location:
firstname.lastname@example.org. The new mailing list will archive all its content
for history and backup.
2) Reconstruct the HNC website from the "remains" of the old website. The
HNC website would be the central pool of resources and discussions that we
hope can be beneficial to the general public at large.
3) Keep an informal and loose connection of HNC members, so that there is a
sense of connection and a base to conduct future HNC Forums.
4) Anything else that members want out of HNC.
If any of these sound interesting to you and you are interested in
discussing about Nepali hydropower, we'd like to invite you to join HNC.
Send a mail to email@example.com if you would like to be included in
the mailing list.
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