The Nepal Digest - May 18, 1998 (4 Jestha 2055 BkSm)

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The Nepal Digest Mon May 18, 1998: Jestha 4 2055BS: Year7 Volume74 Issue4

Today's Topics:

                Khoj Khabar
                Re: The Problems of Christianity
                Child Labor
                Vivek-Yatra
                Racism in Nepal
                Dialogue on Cross-Ethnic Relations
                Riot police arrest women protestors in Nepal
                Re: Himalayan Expo, May, 1998
                40 Point Demands by Maoist
                Plan your visit to Nepal
                GURKHAS
                On the humerous side
                Notes on Nepal

 ******************************************************************************
 * TND (The Nepal Digest) Editorial Board *
 * -------------------------------------- *
 * *
 * The Nepal Digest: General Information tnd@nepal.org *
 * Chief Editor: Rajpal JP Singh a10rjs1@mp.cs.niu.edu *
 * (Open Position) *
 * Editorial Columnist: Pramod K. Mishra pkm@acpub.duke.edu *
 * Sports Correspondent: Avinaya Rana avinayar@touro.edu *
 * Co-ordinating Director - Australia Chapter (TND Foundation) *
 * Dr. Krishna B. Hamal HamalK@dist.gov.au *
 * Co-ordinating Director - Canada Chapter (TND Foundation) *
 * Anil Shrestha SHRESTHA@CROP.UOGUELPH.CA *
 * SCN Correspondent: Open Position *
 * *
 * TND Archives: http://library.wustl.edu/~listmgr/tnd/ *
 * TND Foundation: http://www.nepal.org tnd@nepal.org *
 * WebSlingers: Pradeep Bista,Naresh Kattel,Robin Rajbhandari *
 * Rabi Tripathi, Prakash Bista tnd@nepal.org *
 * *
 * +++++ Food For Thought +++++ *
 * *
 * "Heros are the ones who give a bit of themselves to the community" *
 * "Democracy perishes among the silent crowd" -Sirdar_Khalifa *
 * *
 ******************************************************************************
****************************************************************** Date: Thu, 7 May 1998 14:52:11 -0400 (EDT) From: Nirmal Ghimire <ngh42799@marauder.millersv.edu> To: The Nepal Digest <NEPAL@cs.niu.edu> Subject: Re: The Nepal Digest - May 6, 1998 (19 Baishakh 2055 BkSm)

This is in regards to Pramod Mishra's query?

I completed my 10 years of education in STX.

During these 10 years not once was I ever forced or obliged to go to Church by any of the staff members.

We had absolute religious freedom. In that way it gave us an exposure about Christanity too.

There have been misonaries to Nepal and many may have tried to convert people into Christanity.

But STX is a differnt story. One should realize that these Fathers had given their lives for the purpose of others. They were doing it as a servise to God.

They built an education institution that was so much needed.

i am not praising just because I went there, but because i still think they did a great job in educating and helping us all.

So please do not have this misconception that STX has anything to do with spreading Christanity.

Yes at night times we heard stories about Bible.

But there was no intention of converting. I think those stories were moral stories and good to know stories. That way inspite of being a Hindu I could love and respect Jesus.

Now if I talk to someone about Krishna's philosophy, Buddha's philosophy, MUhammad's philosophy does not mean that i amtrying to convert them.

So STX gave me an exposure into Christanity. So i could understand more about it.

I could not resist writing this because I do not want anybody to have this big misconception about STX.

If you think my opinions are biased, go ahead and find out. For truth cannot be hidden.

Bye Nirmal

********************************************************************* Date: Fri, 8 May 1998 13:28:33 +1300 To: NEPAL@cs.niu.edu From: giri raj kattel <giri.kattel@stonebow.otago.ac.nz> Subject: Khoj Khabar

KHOJ KHABAR

Dear friends,

I am conferencing the 5th internatinal ecological conference (intecol' 98) from July (18- 25), 1998 at Florence, Italy. If some one knows about any Nepali friends residing over there will be highly appreciated for providing me the contact address. My postal address is: Department of Zoology, University of Otago, P. O. Box 56, Dundedin, New Zealand. Tel: 00 64 3 479 7088, Fax: 00 64 3 479 7584, E-mail:
(giri.kattel@stonebow.otago.ac.nz). Thank you.

******************************************************* Date: Fri, 8 May 1998 14:07:47 -0400 (EDT) From: Joel Hafvenstein <joel.hafvenstein@yale.edu> To: The Nepal Digest <NEPAL@cs.niu.edu> Subject: Re: The Problems of Christianity

> Date: Wed, 4 Feb 1998 14:30:26 -0500 (EST)
> From: "Pramod K. Mishra" <pkm@acpub.duke.edu>
> Subject: The Problems of Christianity

[Note: This response is quite long, so like Pramod, I will send the first part to be published in this issue of TND, and save the other half for next issue]

Dear Pramod,

Thank you for your well-considered, if rather aggressive, comments on my response to Jason Ritchie. I appreciate your criticisms, even where I think they're misplaced. Let me start out by making explicit the issues I had in mind in writing my last post. I objected to Jason's paper ("The Problems of Christianity") first and foremost because it was unfairly biased against Christianity, and full of poor argumentation. However, because it was posted to the Nepal Digest (and not to, say, an electronic journal of religion), my main concern in response was _not_ to produce a sweeping defense of Christianity. which would only hopelessly sidetrack the debate into religious details. Instead, I had hoped to deal only with the most salient points and get the discussion back to Nepali affairs. The greatest danger I perceived was that readers with a genuine interest in seeking out religious truth might respond, "Oh, well, we can dismiss Christianity because Christians have been responsible for great evils." This (and not multi-culturalism run amok) was why I pointed out that people of all religions and none have been responsible for great evils in the past. On that, more below.

However, it turned out that you in fact were equally (and commendably) concerned with the injustices perpetrated by _all_ religions in the name of "God"... that even if Jason's paper had been entitled "The Problems of Religion," you would have cheerfully posted it to the Nepal Digest. Fair enough, and I apologize for having misconstrued your motives. Beyond this, however, we must regretfully disagree. I continue to maintain that Jason was grossly unfair to Christianity in his paper, and the points you raise in his defense have done nothing to alleviate that basic unfairness.

Incidentally, Pramod, I would suggest that you were similarly unfair to Hinduism in your post. You state (in what can only be hyperbole) that the Hindu's "sole purpose in life" is to call people "untouchables and mlecchas", and seem to identify the caste system as the most important and integral part of the Hindu religion. I don't claim to be an expert on South Asian religious traditions, but I am still willing to claim with some confidence that this is no more an accurate representation of Hinduism than Jason's paper was an accurate representation of Christ- ianity. Countless Hindus have rejected the caste system as an unjust accretion on their religion; and any balanced view of Hinduism must surely at least _mention_ the degree to which Hinduism encourages tolerance between people of different religions as a major point in its favor. Unfortunately, balance is precisely the value which has been conspicuously absent from these recent discussions on religion -- particularly Jason's.

> If you carefully read the paper, Jason does credit Christianity to have
> done some good work in the past

You have to read it very carefully indeed to find that admission. I believe this is the sentence you're referring to: "While Christians have, at certain points in history, made positive contributions to humanity, their sum effect on the course of human events has been negative." This single grudging statement hardly qualifies as a balanced treatment of the religion in question. Jason gives no further examples of Christianity's
"positive contributions"; he merely lists every bad thing he can think of that has ever been done by Christians, and cites the authority of Bertrand Russell that the bads outweigh the goods. At the end of his paper, he proposes a cost-benefit analysis with almost no benefits: "Is the peace a few might gain from a blind belief in Christianity worth the massive pain which has been, and still continues to be, inflicted on human beings because of it?"

To imagine "the peace of blind belief" to be Christianity's only contribution to the world shows a staggering lack of either information or imagination on Jason's part. When he sums up the legacy of Jesus Christ, he makes not the slightest mention of the millions of Christians throughout history whose faith inspired them to attack evils such as poverty, disease, illiteracy, slavery, alcoholism, and exploitation; instead, all he can see are "conquest, domination, repression, and intolerance." He makes no mention of the Christians who risked and lost their lives saving Jews from the Holocaust, or the numerous sermons and Papal encyclicals which condemned Nazi racism, or (for that matter) the degree to which the Nazi regime attacked Christian churches; instead, he simply declares that Christianity is hopelessly anti-Semitic. He makes no mention of Biblical passages like "In Christ there is no male nor female, slave nor free... for you are all one in Christ" (Galatians 3:28) or the notable female role models in the Bible which have led Christians to support gender equality; instead, he cites passages which support traditional gender roles, and assumes these are the most important. The main "scholarly source" he quotes for all this is Bertrand Russell -- a brilliant mathematician and philosopher, but a terrible historian, given to preposterous assertions like "The only good thing produced by Christianity was the calendar."

An "unbiased historical perspective," which Jason claims is one of his major goals, will certainly take into account the evils perpetuated by Christians. These include the great institutional horrors such as the Crusades, the Inquisition, and witch hunts. They also include the active support of the Church (in various periods and places) for evils such as anti-Semitism, slavery, and European colonial hegemony over "heathen" nations. Christians have burned books, suppressed scientists, and condemned other cultures as demonic; they have killed members of other religions and other Christian sects over issues of belief. Not least, Christians like Jason's father have deeply hurt others by making their love contingent on acceptance of their religion.

But over against all this, one must also consider all the good things done by Christians in the name of Christ. These include all the lives which have been saved or greatly improved over history by institutions such as the Salvation Army, the Missionaries of Charity, World Vision, and so on. To dismiss the 2000-year work of the Church at providing clothes, food, medicine, money, education, and shelter for the poor and oppressed as mere
"feel-good" work would be an insult to those who owe their lives to it. Christians have also been (and are still today) in the forefront of opposition to anti-Semitism, slavery, and exploitation of poor people/ nations. Churches have been a focus of opposition to authoritarian regimes, from Latin American dictatorships to Communist Poland. The central Christian concept of a humanity which is equal in the eyes of God
(whether male or female, slave or free) has been a crucial element in the critique of oppression which has defined the modern era -- whether the oppression was absolute monarchy, totalitarianism, or "Jim Crow" racism.

Overall, it seems to me unarguable that Christianity -- like all great religions, creeds, and philosophies -- has a deeply _mixed_ historical record. My main objection to Jason is not that he claims that Christians have been responsible for evil, but that he ignores the great goods for which Christianity is also responsible. He seems to not understand that
_any_ belief system can produce both positive and negative results, depending on how it is interpreted and used.

> For unlike the tools of rhetoric that Jason has used in
> his paper--arguments and evidence, including ethos, pathos, and logos, to
> mention only a few--you have taken recourse to your faith and bland,
> hapless multiculturalism. Don't they teach rhetoric and composition at
> Yale, or you haven't taken it?

That's a rather unworthy comment, Pramod. And even if you really think that every argument produced by Dr. Lewis and myself boils down to blind faith or bland relativism, I'm not sure what you found so compelling about Jason's rhetoric. As I've been saying, his whole argument was one-sided. He offered only the evidence that supported his assertion. Objections, or opposing evidence -- of which there is _plenty_ available -- he left out almost entirely. I could find only one point in the entire paper where he directly addresses an opposing viewpoint, and it was addressed to a straw man -- the reader who "still accepts the Western myth of the conquests as a mission of nobly enlightening the savages." Virtually no one still accepts this myth in any form so simple as the one Jason offers, and he ignores the existence of more complex objections to his argument. If he seriously hopes to abolish Christianity, he'll have to argue against a more realistic and intelligent version.

"Ethos, pathos, and logos"? Bosh. Rhetoric and composition of this sort are valuable if you work for a sensationalistic tabloid or propaganda machine, like America's _National Enquirer_ or Kathmandu's host of daily newspapers. They have no place in any discussion which is aimed at actually uncovering the truth.

[to be continued]

**************************************************************** From: "Mike And Kathy Foster" <fost@jumpgate.net> To: <NEPAL@cs.niu.edu> Subject: Child Labor Date: Sat, 9 May 1998 09:09:13 -0500

I'm a student in the U.S. I'm doing a project on child labor in Nepal, I have not been able to find a lot of information. So I was wondering if you could be kind enough to e-mail me at fost@jumpgate.com with information on child labor in Nepal. Thank You!!!!!!!!!

Sincerely, Brady and Parker

****************************************************************** Date: Sat, 09 May 1998 11:05:36 -0700 To: The Nepal Digest <NEPAL@cs.niu.edu> From: Mahesh Maskey <mmaskey@bu.edu> Subject: Vivek-Yatra

May 9, 1998

Dear Friends,

We are pleased to tell you that day before yesterday at a press conference at his residence, PM Girija Prasad Koirala announced that he does "not see the necessity of" the proposed revision to the Anti-State Crimes and Punishment Act, 2054 v.s. Since the current session of parliament is now over without this bill being presented to the parliament, we can rest assured that the public pressure has been effective against 'A-T bill' in this session. However, we should all take note that no move has been made to formally withdraw the bill and that he also said, "if it appears necessary it can be brought again". In other words, the government has bowed to pressure but apparently not learned the real lesson - that such acts are fundamentally opposed to the democratic ideals Nepali Congress professes to hold dear.

In appreciation of your participation in the effort against this bill and as a reminder that it was just one step on a long road, we have translated a poem, Conscience-Journey, for you (the original can be found in Bedana
#59) This poem was written during last year's campaign against the Anti-Terrorist Act by the well-known progressive poet Govinda Bartaman. It was recited at a street poetry protest in Bhotahity at that time. Many poets (including a few from the CPN(UML) which was then pushing the bill) gathered and recited their poems throughout the afternoon. Such actions by poets have a notable history in Nepal - most famous perhaps is the Street Poetry Revolution of 2036 v.s. Poets were also an important part of the Kaalo Patti Parva staged by writers and artists during the Jana Andolan. Last year, poets were also joined by singers and by performers who staged street plays. Groups such as Indreni Sanskritik Samaj, Sarvanam, Aarohan, Samana Pariwar and Akhil Nepal Jansanskritik Sangh took part in this event, along with individual poets and artists. As Bartaman tells us in his poem, recited that day on the street, it is not within the confines of Singha Darbar that the most important decisions are made - but in the streets, when we gather and choose together.

We hope not to be alerting you to the next avatar of the bill in the next session. But if need be, we will do so. Meantime, we offer you Bartaman's poem as a reflection on the protest, a kind of 'vivek-yatra' we all have been making in our campaign against the 'A-T Bill'.

Sincerely, Mary Des Chene Mahesh Maskey

N.B. In a few places, after consultation with the author, we have slightly changed the wording in order to be faithful to his meaning and intended tone while bringing the poem into English.
*********

Conscience-Journey
(Vivek-Yatra) by Govinda Bartaman

Body of liberty is being carved away by the glittering knife of power runnels of blood are flowing Bursting from the prison of pain to the streets we have come

Hearts' screams we have sung into song To the streets we have come

Scooping earth from the grave of your promises to hurl in your face we have come To the streets we have come

Bearing witness to millions of Nepali's tears that have flowed in the melancholic, desolate surroundings To weave a tear-drying cloth we have come To the streets we have come

Prostitutes' thighs are dear to you But poetry is not The rough hands of poetry chafe you the sharp nails of poetry slash you Against all the lies you've come telling poetry's feet stand firmly In the streets only poetry prevails, not your domination

And so, bringing poems we have come To the streets we have come

Into the air we breath you've mixed poisonous gasses Wounding one by one the rivers that are like the veins of our bodies selling blood to spoonfeed us water you have come Turning to corpses the honourable meanings that had the names of nationalism and democracy like Idi Amin and Bokaso you have sat upon the magnificent throne of power. The hands that can shake your throne are with us

Bringing millions of hands we have come To the streets we have come

When we have come to the street that like a bustling shop distributes the needful all through life With malcious intent to hurt us yet more flying the national flag as guns you have come in the faces of men. Against the advent of those guns carrying grenades of conscience to the streets we have come.

*********************************************************** From: "Paramendra Bhagat" <paramendra@hotmail.com> Subject: Racism in Nepal Date: Sat, 09 May 1998 12:42:57 PDT

Below my reply are the writings of two Nepalis in the US...well, one of them could have written from Nepal, I don't know....The other is a graduate from my high school, though he does not disclose his name. Madhise= "nigger" dhoti= "nigger" They left these in the Guest Book of my homepage.

Paramendra Bhagat http://www.geocities.com/CapitolHill/9511
______________________________________________________________________ Subject: Dialogue on Cross-Ethnic Relations From: Paramendra Bhagat Date: 5/7/98 1:14 PM

Dear i3pp@sdsumus.sdstate.edu,

I don't know who you are, but if you so wish we could start a dialogue on race relations. By racism, of course, I mean native racism in Nepal. Look at the following -

"Madhise....tero dhoti party......dhoti party......tagh......bihari style....Madhise haru.......dhotis......your ill-motivated party like that of lallu yadhav.......you try to spit on the same plte that you have eaten,,,,,,,,thats natural in every madesis.........They forget their history ra khusi hunda kheri kasailai pani bal dindaina.Why not stop indian dhotis to imp ove our economy as one of the well wisher of Budhanilkantha school says in his comments..........You are on the wrong track...with full of misconceptions and grudges.better purify yor self.............If you really care about Nepal, stop people entering and settling from India..........teach them how to defend themselves from cheating.............. I feel ashamed with what Budhanilkantha School had taught you......................................................."

Thanks for the documentation on racism in Nepal. Express yourself more fully. I wish I had Kanchha Pulami's e-mail address.

Thanks- Paramendra Bhagat paramendra_bhagat@berea.edu
______________________________________________________________________ Subject: Mero Homepage ko Guest Book ma kag le chheryo ! From: Paramendra Bhagat Date: 5/7/98 12:58 PM

kanchha pulami - 04/17/98 20:49:55

Comments: Madhise Budhanilkantha school ko nam bechera tero dhoti party kholdaichhas! By the way tero party sadvawana (dhoti party) sita bilaya bhayisakyo. Ajai pani vice secretarary hoki samajbadi dal ko tagh !!!!!! I felt hurt when you put such harsh words on r wild and Manav . Tero ability thiyena ra ta school captain bhayinash !!!! Afulai kattiko hero thanne mulla.A-level ra O-level ma keti ko pachhi lagyo---- A-levels result gultayo.........Thanks god atleast bhagawan le kripa garera america puraidinu bhayo So just don't blow your own trumpet-------- let others do that. Ani party nai khole pani kina bihari style kina apanaune. -Madhise haru le matra suffer gariraheko chhha nepal ma . Have you ever been to remote hilly areas of nepal?????? Only dhotis need ttention by the government!!!!!!!!! Do you expect to support your idea by ex-budhanilkantha school ko student harule?? No way dude.I personally would not wanna join your ill-motivated party like that of lallu yadhav. Always come into reality--don't just ive false statements to nepelese people.By the way I had gone through your party manifesto of sangram morcha, That shows how eye cathing words you have put --nepali ko ankhama chharo halne kamm matra gareko chha,.If you come up with idea of unifying all n pelese in your party I will work with all my heart and soul to uplift your party........so will all the sebs members. Tero party lai garne kharchha bhanda give that all money to sebs nation wide scholarship programme .At least some needy people will be b nefitting .Being the part of national school of nepal--- you try to spit on the same plte that you have eaten,,,,,,,,thats natural in every madesis.They forget their history ra khusi hunda kheri kasailai pani bal dindaina.Why not stop indian dhotis to imp ove our economy as one of the well wisher of Budhanilkantha school says in his comments.So Parmendra I think You are on the wrong track...with full of misconceptions and grudges.better purify yor self. A well wisher of Budhanilkantha schoo

- 04/16/98 21:26:38 My Email:i3pp@sdsumus.sdstate.edu

Comments: Do you want to be a pawnmaker? Go between the people who are struggling to get food for living. They are not struggling to get a good status they just need food. They are not only madhise or janajati, people from all parts and casts of Nepal are suffering the same. Issue you are raising is like the one who can not succeed their goals by their own means and wants to make a easy way to the top. If you really care about Nepal, stop people entering and settling from India. This will definitely help to improve the economy. Create a feeling of nationalism, motivate people to work hard and teach them how to defend themselves from cheating and to foll w the law and order. We need hardwork to develop the country. You can see how hard americans work. I feel ashamed with what Budhanilkantha School had taught you.
 Ex. B.S.

************************************************************ Date: Sat, 9 May 1998 17:21:19 -0400 (EDT) From: aiko <gs07aaj@panther.Gsu.EDU> To: NEPAL@cs.niu.edu Subject: [B95: ] FAV/NEWS: Riot police arrest women protestors in Nepal (fwd)

We will be mice no more! Women of Nepal, unite!
<Aiko Joshi>

    KATHMANDU, May 8 (AFP) - More than 100 women demonstrators were arrested Friday by riot police for trying to force their way into the house of representatives, witnesses and organizers said.
   Several of the protestors received minor injuries when the women riot police made a baton charge, they said.
   Those arrested included Nepal Communist Party-Marxist and Leninist chairperson and MP Sahana Pradhan.
   The women, who represented the country's 60 districts, were protesting parliament's failure to discuss a controversial bill which would give women equal rights of inheritance.
   Nearly 200 women from various pressure groups and organizations took part in the demonstration.
   The angry demonstrators chanted slogans like "We want equal property rights!" and "Amend Nepal's legal system!"
   The demonstrators were dragged into police vehicles by women police and taken to police stations, but were released late Friday, a home ministry source said.
   The demonstration disrupted traffic for more than two hours.

******************************************************************** Date: Sun, 10 May 1998 11:32:57 +0530 From: "F. A. H. ('Hutch') Dalrymple" <hutch@wlink.com.np> Reply-To: hutch@wlink.com.np Subject: press release

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE: 1 JUNE 1998

XP SOCIETY ACCEPTS PANTHI FAMILY IN JULY!

The Narayan Panthi family of Kathmandu has been accepted into 'Camp Sundown,' by the XP Society of Poughkeepsie, N.Y./U.S.A.

The XP Society was started by Dan and Caren Mahar to help those (their daughter Katie) stricken with Xeroderma Pigmentosum, a virulent form of incurable cancer made worse by exposure to the sun (nee 'Camp Sundown' - a camp for children of the disease where activities commence at sundown).

The Panthi family of Anamnagar has long been seeking help for their three (out of four) children, Rajan, 24, Gokul, 21, and Parbati, 19, afflicted with this genetic disorder.

The XP Society has accepted the Panthi family into session #3, 22-26 July in Poughkeepsie, N.Y.

His Majesty's Government, the Minister of Tourism and Civil Aviation, Anand Dhungana, has graciously offered three free tickets and three at fifty-percent off via Royal Nepal Airlines to help defray travelling costs. This will get the family to London and back.

The XP Society is contributing, besides the Camp facilities for 5/4 days and nights, $2,225U.S. to help defray airline expenses from London to N.Y.C.

Other fund raising activities are in progress to help with travel and medical expenses: a benefit concert in July which will help, not only the Panthi family, but the Sushma Memorial Hospital. Ram Krishna Dhakal and Bijay Shivakotee have agreed to perform (more on this as it develops).

A bank account (555555'J') at the Himalayan Bank in Thamel has been set up for those who would like to contribute to this humanitarian effort!

Please do... Donate rupees, or volunteer to help!

For more information contact:

F.A.H. ('Hutch') Dalrymple (English) 410319 (Lazimpat) or hutch@wlink.com.np

Rajan Rayamajhi (Nepali) 256701, 245780 (fax)

****************************************************************** Date: Sun, 10 May 1998 13:50:04 -0400 (EDT) From: Ashutosh Tiwari <tiwari@fas.harvard.edu> To: nepal@cs.niu.edu Subject: post failed (fwd)

The Simplicity and Complexity of Women's Movements

Mary Des Chene

        Last year I helped a Nepali doctor carry out a survey on the incidence of neo-natal tetanus in a VDC near Nepalgunj. To hear, in a few days, dozens of women recount the history of the births-and the many, many deaths-of their infants is a sobering experience. Amid all those tales of birth and death one young mother and her husband brought their baby to be looked at.

It was weak and sickly, malnourished. My doctor friend examined the baby gently but he spoke in uncharacteristically sharp tones, telling them what needed to be done, what to feed it, where to go for treatment and so on. And that if they did not do these things it would surely die quickly.

I later chided him, saying what is the point of giving all that information if it won't be followed? Issuing orders in a commanding tone when the hospital may seem an impossibly intimidating place or there may be no money for medicine or better food will do no good. You have to find out why they haven't done these self-evident things already and together work out a practical path to doing them. In other words, pay attention to the
"cultural", said the wise anthropologist.

        I had been looking at the woman while he examined the baby. She was teenaged, as anemic-looking as her baby, skeletally thin, wearing an old worn sari. And shy and hesitant even before this doctor who was right in her neighbour's courtyard. It was her I was thinking of as I spoke.

But my wiser friend had taken in a wider scene. He had looked behind her at her husband, a young man in strikingly robust health. His clothes were new and fancy. He carried a portable radio. He had sunglasses. I had taken in these details, but not their significance. Nor had I taken in the significance of the fact that the baby was a girl.

My friend's curt instructions were directed at the man behind-standing, healthy and indifferent, proudly displaying his expenditure on luxuries, behind an undernourished wife and a dying girl child. On that day I learned a simple thing I thought I already knew: sometimes, to understand the problems of women the place to look is behind, to the men.

        But of course, as my story also witnesses, men are not always part of the problem and gender is no sure guide to who will have the greatest insight into the sources of women's oppression. Nor is it enough to look behind to the men, even when they are agents of women's oppression. We must also look behind the men and women to systems of patriarchy and class, which brings us back, in a more useful way than I proposed to my doctor friend, to "culture".

        Although I concentrate in what follows on the barriers to gender-based organizing within a class-based society, we must note that patriarchal ideologies in many guises support male advantage within classes, castes and ethnic groups, and work simultaneously against both women's movements and against trans-gender struggles organized on other bases.

        The world over women, collectively, are more undernourished, more under-compensated for their labour, and more under-represented in formal decision-making bodies than men, collectively. The only measure in which women collectively come out "ahead" is life-span; those who endure seem to be hardy (though in Nepal, according to the statisticians, even women's lives are shorter than men's). Except to those who profess to find in the universality of women's subordinate status across disparate societies evidence of its "naturalness", these sorts of facts declare something very simple: the imperative for a women's movement-here, there and everywhere.

        From that simple realization to the creation of a united women's movement lies a path strewn with complicating barriers. First among them is the nature of women as a collective body, united by virtue of subordination on the basis of gender, divided along every other social criterion that usually serve as the rallying points for social justice movements. Women-not the world's women and not Nepali women-do not speak one language, do not share one political ideology, do not have one ethnic identity. Above all, women are not a class like dalits, peasants or workers.

        Women may effectively be the dalit of each social class, but such unity of relative subordination hardly supercedes the very real class interests and sensibilities that separate women, one from another. Herein lies the great potency and the great difficulty of creating a women's movement. More than any class-based revolution, a truly united women's movement has potential to produce revolutionary change from within every class, for it has ready-made cadres at every level of society, top to bottom.

        And for just that reason many forces converge against any sign of trans-class unity among women, women's movements frequently have conflictual relations with class, ethnicity, and party-based movements, and women's movements are often splintered from within by the contradictory class interests of their members.

        These challenges, natural to any effort to organize against the grain of social hierarchies, have beset women's movements everywhere, not just in Nepal. They are a better explanation of the contradictions within and limitations of women's movements than those that anti-feminists like to put forth to disparage them and deflect notice from the revolutionary potential of female unity: women's "inherent" tendency to "squabble", women's "weakness" (mental, physical), and so on.

        One result of the contradictions that work against a united women's movement is that class-based women's movements are far more common. And women's organizations organized around a class-based issue, on the basis of ethnicity or in affiliation with a political party are far more common than organizations that would unite women across such differences.

This is not uniformly the case-within Nepal the current anti-alcohol movement, though so far largely a peasant-based women's movement, is an example of an issue-based movement that has potential effectively to unite women across classes, parties, and j^Fo(/,a)ti . Yet in practice even such issue-based movements have limited potential to unite women across class interests unless they become a vehicle for breaking down class divisions.

While abuse by an alcoholic spouse knows no class barriers, there is a world of difference in what is at stake for poor women in whose homes the purchase or brewing of alcohol replaces their consumption of food and for those for whom the financial outlay goes unnoticed. Similarly, efforts to legalize abortion impact women across classes and yet, if successful, it will remain the case that actual access to safe abortions will be unequal among classes along with access to other kinds of medical care, even while it might be that women of some janaj^Fo(a,/)ti groups relegated mainly to the lower classes, economically and through social discrimination, would face less religious and social pressure against using such services if they had access to them.

Such limitations to the potential for trans-class unity on the basis of a common issue, and to equal initial impact for all women of a given right or reform, seem to me not an argument for inaction, but rather a reminder of the necessity to go well beyond first fruits in any reform-oriented work on behalf of women.

        This discussion is meant to highlight two things. First, that something so seemingly simple as a united women's movement cannot emerge in a society riven with other hierarchical distinctions but only in tandem with the elimination of other social bases of subordination besides gender. And second, that efforts to improve the lot of women through organizations and movements inevitably permeated by the other divisions existent in society, may actively-even if inadvertently-work against creation of a united women's movement. That is to say that class and party, and ethnicity-based organizing in the name of women can serve to entrench female subordination overall.

(Des Chene is an anthropologist. This essay is extracted from the introduction to a commentary section on the Nepali Women's Movement containing 19 essays in English and Nepali published in Studies in Nepali History and Society, Vol. 2, No. 2)

(This review was published in the Volume III. No. 2 of the Kathmandu Post Review of Books.)

Dasain as a Power Ritual

____________________________ Cilibrer le pouvoir. Dasai, une fjte royale au Nipal,
[The Performance of Power. Dasain, a Royal Festival in Nepal] idited by Gishle Krauskopff and Marie Lecomte-Tilouine Paris, CNRS Editions, Editions de la Maison des Sciences de l'Homme, 1996

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by Veronique Bouillier

        Dasain is one of the most impressive festivals performed throughout the whole of Nepal. The ten articles of this collective volume are dedicated to examining Dasain celebrations as a state ritual.

Instead of discussing the familiar aspects of the festival, the authors prefer to focus on the historical and political aspects of Dasain celebrations to show how the relationships generated by those performing the rituals can be used for political purposes. Rituals here are viewed as modes of social control.

        Despite the diversity and the wide geographical range of the contributions, there is a strong unity in the volume due to a common ethno-historical perspective, and also to the precision of the ethnographic details of each performance.

A clear introduction by the two editors helps to relate each local celebration to a general canvass and to compare it to the textual and other Dasain traditions in the rest of South Asia. Comparatively speaking, in the Nepali Dasain, there is a strong emphasis on the martial aspect of the Goddess (at the expense, for instance, of the Ram cult predominant elsewhere). This aspect and the celebration of that special ritual of phulpati on the seventh day get their meaning in the socio-political context.

        Dasain festival deals with the relationship between the political royal center and its periphery. Thus the first part of the volume is devoted to the working of this socio-political ritual and is rooted in history, and specially in the history of the political unification of Nepal.

The descriptions of the rituals in Patan, Gorkha, Kathmandu, Salyan, Argha and Isma focus on the continuity and the reinterpretation of the Dasain tradition in the most recent period. The description of the Mvahni or Durga puja in the old royal palace of Patan by Gerard Toffin shows that
"those palatial rituals are celebrated almost as in the past", despite the end of the Malla kings, and that "they perpetuate a very old ideology of the royal function as well as a hierarchical system still prevalent today".

G|nter Unbescheid gives a very detailed description of the 14-day festival in the Kalika Temple in the old palace of the Shah rulers in Gorkha, centered on the interactions of myth and rite or, as he says, "between mythological dependance and ritual freedom".

        As they are very difficult to observe, Marie Lecomte-Tilouine and Bihari K.Shrestha summarize the royal rituals in Kathmandu according to the newspapers reports. Then Gishle Krauskopff deals with Dasain and the political changes in the former kingdom of Phalabang. She shows the connection between the seizure of this Baisi kingdom by the Gorkha armies and the story of the victory of the Goddess upon the local gods and describes the enactement of these historical events in the ritual.

For the principality of Argha, Philippe Ramirez shows how the performance of Dasain "reflects the numerous political mutations which affected the local society during the last two centuries" and how "recent developments in political geography still have obvious parallels in the ritual sphere". Marie Lecomte-Tilouine ends this first part of the volume, with a study of
"the cult of the Goddess and the royal sword" in Isma, a former capital of the Gulmi district, "a capital without a king", but with a sword as "the king's alter ego".

        The other articles relate to the attitudes of the minorities, to the eventual conflicts, and the reactions to Dasain as an alien symbol. Philippe Sagant shows how Limbu Yakthumba tribal chiefs can compete for the legitimation given by the Dasain performance and how this involves a contradiction. How do the Buddhists react to the celebration of Dasain? For the Newars of Tibet, studied by Corneille Jest and Kesar Lall Shrestha, Mvahni is celebrated, and adapted to Buddhist context as a symbol of ethnic identity and as a allegiance to the Nepalese royal authority.

But the Sherpas refuse Dasain and pray and fast as an expiation for the sacrifices performed by the others. According to Marc Gaborieau, the Muslims "ostensibly avoid all rituals linked with Dasain" because of "the opposing views of the relationship between power and sacredness entertained by Hindus and Muslims." He adds, "Muslims must...avoid all Hindu rites which, as those of Dasain, make power sacred".

If the Sannyasi monasteries studied by this reviewer take part in the Dasain festival, it is because of their involvement with society but generally speaking, the participation of ascetics varies according to their sectarian affiliation and relation to the Goddess.

        Thus, from celebration to avoidance, these various ways of dealing with Dasain indicate the crucial historical and political importance of this State ritual. We still have to question the future: how will Dasain adapt itself to the change in the symbolic status of kingship and to the change in the national identity process in Nepal? This very rich book offers us, thanks to its historical insights, some possible directions.

(Bouillier has authored and edited several books, in French, on Nepal)

Power and Religion in Newar Kingdoms

_______________ Le Palais et le temple. La fonction royale dans la vallie du Nipal.
[The Palace and the Temple: Royal Duties in the Nepal Valley] by Girard Toffin Paris: CNRS Iditions, 1993
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by Gregory G. Maskarinec

Rarely do the interests, research domains, or methods of historians and ethnologists complement one another. Even more rarely do they cohere into a unified whole. This book, however, is a rare exception, successfully synthesizing those two often opposed disciplines, one with its concerns primarily for structures of signification, the other with its interests in the strategies of power.

Toffin's topic proves ideal for this combination. Not only do the Newar kingdoms of the Kathmandu Valley, Nepal, have a long literary history with considerable documentary materials, the social order of the medieval Malla kings remains remarkably intact today, anchoring a well-preserved cultural tradition. Studying the world's last Hindu kingdom, one never conquered by Islam nor occupied by Western powers, Toffin successfully produces an ethnology of the past and a history of the present, integrating both with a geographically sound interest in spatial arrangements.

Toffin demonstrates that Newar royalty was closely connected with genuine social control, with the king the active center of the kingdom. Ritual politics were never severed from expressive and efficient power. Rulers in the Kathmandu Valley had (and the modern Shah dynasty continues to have) a real influence on the life of their subjects, a concrete participation in economic reality and social control, in which religion's role was (and remains) crucial.

Myths of foundation, for example, not only furnished a religious model for the cities, they also affirmed the authority of royal power in the face of concurrent kingdoms while aiming at completely ordering society. Urbanization, like the patronage of sacrifice, was a royal act. Other social determinants, including caste and kinship, are frequently situated between the palace, the temples, and the priesthoods. The ways that these diverse elements give social space its homogeneity through the dialectics of geography and cosmology, of nature and culture, are explored in this book.

Toffin uncovers a tension in Indian thought between a total cosmology embracing nature as well as culture, contradicted by a separation of religious norms from political power. He explores this tension, a result of attempting to fuse the cosmic and the ethical, by analyzing the symbolism of power, the fundamentals of the sovereign's religion, the relations between royalty and the supernatural, and the homologies that exist between the structure of society and the structure of the pantheon.

Well documented are social transformations of demons, kings, and divinities into each other, showing how deities, priests, and kings can belong to different levels of any classification and perform diverse roles simultaneously.

Human or divine, each being is a network of relations and positions. Toffin's subtle analysis of the logic of power undermines other excessively simplistic hierarchical models, such as Louis Dumont's pure/impure dichotomy, or Georges Dumizil's tripartition, showing how they fail to account for the complexities of South Asian traditional societies.

A divinity like Kumern, the "living goddess," with her multivariant social responsibilities, cannot be assigned one simplistic function in the overall order. Instead of the absolute stability required by such totalizing schemes, Toffin demonstrates a complex theology and politics based on the interplay of identity and difference.

The local models avoid categorical oppositions, even such apparently fundamental dichotomies as chaos and order, or of urban and rural. Kings and divinities unite opposed worlds in their persons through two processes: anthropomorphization of the divine, and divinization of the human, categories that therefore have permeable frontiers.

While endorsing A. M. Hocart's conclusions that imperium cannot be maintained without the sacerdotal classes (the sole guarantee of its legitimacy), and that the caste system is a sacrificial organization, Toffin also shows that, under the influence of Tantric practices, the disjunction between Brehman and Ksatriya, status and power, is not fully relevant among the Newars, especially when the king is initiated into the Tantra, and his domestic priests may be Ksatriya Karmeceryas.

In subtle ways, Toffin shows, kings and priests are each superior to the other. While demonstrating royal manipulations of religion, such as the ways that the topography of the gods is politically determined and how those gods have been modeled according to Tantric geometry, Toffin successfully prevents his analysis deteriorating into a simple functionalism, nor does he reduce his topics into autonomous systems of abstract metasocial representations.

Anyone interested in power and religion in traditional societies will benefit by reading this book. Unfortunately, it is not flawless. Toffin wears lightly his historian's role, allowing others to mine the original documentation while himself relying on modern secondary sources that retell Nepal's history.

Nor does he supplement the previously recorded versions of mythical episodes with current oral retellings, consequently compromising the ordinary approaches of both historians and cultural anthropologists. Considerable repetition could have been eliminated by more smoothly integrating those chapters previously published as separate essays. Too little is said of the contemporary context, of how religion and myth remain central to attempts at forging a coherent national identity for the whole modern nation state of Nepal. Complex questions of how ritual participation may reorder the relative importance of historical episodes, and the implications of how relations of locality are produced by local subjects, are insufficiently explained.

These, though, are minor criticisms, since both the repetition and the lightness of method may make the work more accessible to a wider audience interested in how practical politics and religious representations are connected, for whom this will be a fascinating introduction to the complexities of Nepal.

For inexhaustible detail, Toffin's earlier, monumental, Sociiti et religion chez les Niwar du Nipal (1984) remains the most important ethnography on Nepal's Newars. Here, he has produced a less massive book with much wider potential appeal, one which many Indologically inclined ethnologists who have worked in Nepal will enviously wish that they had written.

(Maskarinec is the author of The Rulings of the Night: An Ethnography of Nepalese Shaman Oral Texts, published by the University of Wisconsin Press in 1995)

Another Look at Community Forestry
______________________ The Political Ecology of Community Forestry in Nepal by Elvira Graner Saarbrucken, Verlag fur Entwickungspolitik, 1997
__________________________________________

by Jagannath Adhikari

Nepal has witnessed a continuous shift in approaches to development including the management of natural resources. In the 1950s and 1960s, centralized planning was practiced and the state took the responsibility of delivering development packages to the people. The nationalization of forests in 1957 was a result of this policy which is believed to have caused massive deforestation. That policy assumed that farmers were the agents of forest degradation.

Since the emergence of the concept of political ecology in the mid-1970s, the approach to forest (and other resource) management has changed. This concept links ecological issues to social and political processes which operate at all geographical scales (global, state, regional or local) and are interlinked so as to cause dependency and underdevelopment of certain areas and sections of the society. This unbalanced development results in the degradation of the environment. This theory has helped in dispelling the myth that farmers are the source of environmental problems.

This conceptual change is also reflected in Nepal's Master Plan for the Forestry Sector, 1989-90 and the Forestry Act, 1993. These policies continue the concept of users group forest management practiced under the community forestry program since 1978 but emphasize that most of the benefits of forests should go to the needy people. With the help of case studies from Sindhupalchok district, Graner concludes that the recent policy shift has not helped the needy people, but often has worked to their disadvantage. As they are often not included in users groups which have been given legal rights to manage forest resources, they have now lost even their traditional access to those resources.

Graner states that her methodology overcomes the two main short-comings seen in most of the studies of this kind: lack of reference of the micro-level analysis to the processes at the meso or macro level, and the lack of meaningful integration of the economic and social parameters. The book is not fully successful on the first issue. Despite there being detailed information about the economic and social situations with in-depth historical background on the three-tier (macro, meso and micro) geographical units, Graner does not analyze clearly how these geographical units are interlinked with each other and with national and global processes, and state what their impact on the use and conservation of resources at the micro level has been.

On the other hand, Graner is successful in meaningfully integrating economic and social parameters which clearly identify the vulnerable households. She analyzes the factors - like production, consumption, exchange (including purchasing capacity and terms of trade) and assets
(investments including formal and informal capital markets, stores and claims) - in order to understand how vulnerability among different ethnic groups is created and maintained. She also discusses the impact of recent agrarian changes, namely irrigation expansion and increased use of chemical fertilizers.

To examine the use of forest resources for securing a part of the livelihood of different categories of households, particularly vulnerable households, the author analyzes the 'sociology of access'. As access to the forests at a particular location is determined by a complex set of factors like history, ethnicity, economy and politics (power structure and local institutions), this analysis helps us to understand who can participate in the management of forests. However, Graner does not elaborate on the two main factors that influence this access: ethnicity and local power structure. The mere categorization of households into different castes or ethnic groups with little information on their religion and culture is not sufficient for understanding how ethnicity matters in access to resources. Cultural norms and internal structure of each ethnic group also affect the institutional arrangement of forest resource utilization. The politics of 'ethnicity' after the Jana Andolan - growing conciousness of ones ethnic identity and of the tendency to organize on the basis of ones lineage, caste or ethnic groups - have affected the constitution of users group forest management. Without the study of ethnicity and power structure, it is difficult to come up with ideas to bring about synchronic solidarity in villages (as Graner recommends), which are, in most cases, ethnically diverse.

The study also provides too little empirical information and analyses on how users groups are formed and how forests are handed over to them. Graner argues that poor people are not included in the users groups and thus they are not benefitting as much from the forests as envisioned in recent policies. But for a complete understanding of political ecology of community forestry, many questions remain unanswered. What was the response of the excluded members when their fellow villagers with good access to forests started forming users groups? Did the excluded households request for inclusion in the users groups to the local political bodies? Who are the members of these political bodies and how did they respond to such requests? What is the role of forest officers in this matter? What relationships exist between local elites, politicians and forest officers? What has been the impact of changes in local as well as national politics? How have the disadvantaged members protested the denial of their previous rights to forest resources? Has this discrimination led to the creation of a new ethnicity or a class, as a large majority of the excluded households belongs to occupational castes (and in some cases are Magars and Tamangs)?

These are some questions to which answers are needed to understand the socio-political dynamics behind the discrimination against poor households and villagers in the allocation of forest resources, the basis of their livelihoods.

(Adhikari is the author of The Beginnings of Agrarian Change - A Case Study in Central Nepal published in 1997)

*********************************************************** Date: Tue, 12 May 1998 10:17:11 +0530 From: "F. A. H. ('Hutch') Dalrymple" <hutch@wlink.com.np> Subject: Re: Himalayan Expo, May, 1998

After attending the Himalayan Expo, produced by the 'House of Rajkarnicar,' I'm convinced of one thing...

The Nepali people are wonderful, but understand little about marketing and selling! Thus, I want to teach a course entitled, 'The American Way of Marketing!'

For one thing an 'Expo' (short for exposition) is a place where you exhibit a product and/or service... You don't prevent sales and take orders, but short-term revenue, is not the goal here. An 'Expo' is not a market! It's a chance to exhibit your product and/or service. It's a chance to develop a customer base.

Thus, much should be given away; at least information... Nepalis don't understand an old American fishing term, 'chumming,' or 'salting the waters.' You attract 'the fish,' give, expose, to 'catch' long term!

I only talked to one person, a gentleman, working for Beltronix, who knew what he was doing! I had one guy who wanted to argue with me... What happened to the idea, 'the customer is God?' I've heard that expression used by Nepalis. I had one guy tell me, when asked, 'Oh, business is very bad!' No wonder, the way it was being done... I had one young woman refuse to give me a sample magazine (they are distributing), that would have come back in 'spades!' But, she didn't understand that giving away 50NR will come back in 5,000NR later... No one had trained her...

I thought to myself as I was leaving... These people need help! They just don't understand marketing concepts, the way I do, after 40 years in American business.

And thus the urge to teach this course, 'The American Way of Marketing.' Marketing is not just putting up a pretty sign or banner!

An exposition is an opportunity to educate customers about your company and/or your product/service. Again, it's not a market where your goal is short-term revenue!

I visited exhibits that didn't even have business cards to give away! Many didn't have literature to hand out, there were poorly produced videos with bad quality audio/video, but the most egregious mistake was having disinterested, unmotivated, and untrained people 'manning' the booths.

Want to learn...? I'm here in Nepal to help...

F.A.H. ('Hutch') Dalrymple hutch@wlink.com.np

************************************************************ Date: May 12, 1998 Forwarded by: Rajpal J.P. Singh <a10rjs1@cs.niu.edu> To: The Nepal Digest <nepal@cs.niu.edu> Subject: 40 Point Demands by Maoist

Maoist's 40 Point Demands
(As translated by Barbara Adams - published in People's Reveiw)

I. DEMANDS RELATED TO NATIONALISM:

1) Regarding the 1950 Treaty between India and Nepal, all unequal stipulations and agreements should be removed.

2) HMG should admit that the anti-nationalist Tanakpur agreement was wrong, and the Mahakali Treaty, incorporating same, should be nullified.

3) The entire Nepal-Indian border should be controlled and systematized. Cars with Indian number plates, which are plying the roads of Nepal, should not be allowed.

4) Gorkha recruiting centers should be closed and decent jobs should be arranged for the recruits.

5) In several areas of Nepal, where foreign technicians are given precedence over Nepali technicians for certain local jobs, a system of work permits should be instituted for the foreigners.

6) The monopoly of foreign capitol in Nepal's industry, trade and economic sector should be stopped.

7) Sufficient income should be generated from customs duties for the country's; economic development.

8) The cultural pollution of imperialists and expansionists should be stopped. Hindi video, cinema, and all kinds of such news papers and magazines should be completely stopped. Inside Nepal, import and distribution of vulgar Hindi films, video cassettes and magazines should be stopped.

9) Regarding NGOs and INGOs: Bribing by imperialists and expansionists in the name of NGOs and INGOs should be stopped.

II. DEMANDS RELATED TO THE PUBLIC AND ITS WELL-BEING 10) A new Constitution has to be drafted by the people's elected representatives.

11) All the special rights and privileges of the King and his family should be ended.

12) Army, police and administration should be under the people's control.

13) The Security Act and all other repressive acts should be abolished.

14) All the false charges against the people of Rukum, Rolpa, Jajarkot, Gorkha, Kavre, Sindhuphalchowk, Sindhuli, Dhanusha and Ramechap should be withdrawn and all the people falsely charged should be released.

15) Armed police operations in the different districts should immediately be stopped.

16) Regarding Dilip Chaudhary, Bhuvan Thapa Magar, Prabhakar Subedi and other people who disappeared from police custody at different times, the government should constitute a special investigating committee to look into these crimes and the culprits should be punished and appropriate compensation given to their families.

17) People who died during the time of the movement, should be declared as martyrs and their families, and those who have been wounded and disabled should be given proper compensation. Strong action should be taken against the killers.

18) Nepal should be declared a secular state.

19) Girls should be given equal property rights to those of their brothers.

20) All kinds of exploitation and prejudice based on caste should be ended. In areas having a majority of one ethnic group, that group should have autonomy over that area.

21) The status of dalits as untouchables should be ended and the system of untouchability should be ended once and for all.

22) All languages should be given equal status. Up until middle-high school level (uccha-madyamic) arrangements should be made for education to be given in the children's mother tongue.

23) There should be guarantee of free speech and free press. The communications media should be completely autonomous.

24) Intellectuals, historians, artists and academicians engaged in other cultural activities should be guaranteed intellectual freedom.

25) In both the terai and hilly regions there is prejudice and misunderstanding in backward areas. This should be ended and the backward areas should be assisted. Good relations should be established between the villages and the city.

26) Decentralization in real terms should be applied to local areas which should have local rights, autonomy and control over their own resources.

III DEMANDS RELATED TO THE PEOPLE'S LIVING 27) Those who cultivates the land should own it. (The tiller should have right to the soil he/she tills.) The land of rich landlords should be confiscated and distributed to the homeless and others who have no land.

28) Brokers and commission agents should have their property confiscated and that money should be invested in industry.

29) All should be guaranteed work and should be given a stipend until jobs are found for them.

30) HMG should pass strong laws ensuring that people involved in industry and agriculture should receive minimum wages.

31) The homeless should be given suitable accommodation. Until HMG can provide such accommodation they should not be removed from where they are squatting.

32) Poor farmers should be completely freed from debt. Loans from the Agricultural Development Bank by poor farmers should be completely written off. Small industries should be given loans.

33) Fertilizer and seeds should be easily and cheaply available, and the farmers should be given a proper market price for their production.

34) Flood and draught victims should be given all necessary help

35) All should be given free and scientific medical service and education and education for profit (private schools?) should be completely stopped.

36) Inflation should be controlled and laborers salaries should be raised in direct ratio with the rise in prices. Daily essential goods should be made cheap and easily available.

37) Arrangements should be made for drinking water, good roads, and electricity in the villages.

38) Cottage and other small industries should be granted special facilities and protection.

39) Corruption, black marketing, smuggling, bribing, the taking of commissions, etc. should all be stopped.

40) Orphans, the disabled, the elderly and children should be given help and protection.

We offer a heartfelt request to the present coalition government that they should, fulfill the above demands which are essential for Nepal's existence and for the people's daily lives as soon as possible. If the government doesn't show any interest by Falgun 5, 2052, (February 17, 1996,) we will be compelled to launch a movement against the government. *** The above demands put forth by the Samukta Jana Morcha, led by Dr. Bhattarai, were handed over to the then prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba.

******************************************************** To: nepal-request@cs.niu.edu Date: Sun, 10 May 1998 04:25:04 +0530 Subject: Plan your visit to Nepal From: sagarmatha@juno.com (Himal Ghimire)

Are you planning to go and see the great country, Nepal? You are planning to go, but you don't know where to stay. If that is so then there is no need to worry. Here is a place you can stay. Check it out.

If you, or any one you know, are looking for a good 3 bedrooms flat for short/long-term lease just outside Ring Road for your people, kindly contact us.

Located in the hill surrounded by terraces, pine forest and temples, the apartment has a grand view of the Kirtipur Horticulture Farm, Kathmandu and the Himalayas and is only 2.5 kilometers (1.5 miles) south of Balkhu, Ring Road on the way to Panga.

The flat has spacious 3 bedrooms, 2 bathrooms, dining and living area. For more information and visit please contact Suresh Shrestha at telephone number (977 - 1) 330222 / 330333 / 330494 (11 am - 4 pm, Nepal Time, except holidays).

The flat is fully furnished with beds, furniture, cooker and refrigerator and is available from the day you plan to move in. Weekly rent US$ 100. Monthly rent US$ 350. Annual rent negotiable. Electercity and Telephone charges as per use. Thank you very much for your time.

Contact Person and address in Nepal: Name: Suresh Shrestha (sathi@writeme.com) Telephone #: (977 - 1) 330222 / 330333 / 330494 ( 11 am - 4 pm, Nepal Time, except holidays)

Contact Person and address in Nepal: Name: Himal Ghimire (sagarmatha@juno.com), Californai, USA Telephone #: (916) 486 - 9355

Himal Ghimire 4412 Baron Avenue, Sacramento, CA 95821 Phone : (916) 486 - 9355 E-mail : sagarmatha@juno.com HomePage: http://welcome.to/Visit.Himal
"The truest test of civilization, culture, and dignity is character, not clothing".

P.S: Thanks lot for publishing this on TND.

****************************************************************** Date: Tue, 10 May 1988 20:11:41 +0100 From: Nicola King <nicolaking@easynet.co.uk> To: tnd@nepal.org Subject: GURKHAS

I am trying to find an address for the GAESO as I need some help and advice on my case for an ex Gurkha who has not been paid correctly, by the British Army. Pay is just one aspect of his case. I would appreciate any advice or help. Perhaps I could give the GAESO some information that might help there case for pay and pensions.

**************************************************************** Date: Thu, 14 May 1998 12:22:35 -0400 From: "Royal Nepalese Embassy," <RNELondon@compuserve.com> Subject: request for info about mr tika thapa and tara thapa To: information officer <NEPAL@cs.niu.edu>

COULD I HAVE THE ADDRESS AND TELEPHONE NUMBER OF :

     MR TIKA THAPA AND TARA THAPA RESIDING SOMEWHERE TO THE WESTERN COAST= OF USA- PROBABLY IN ARIZONA WITH THEIR TWO SMART SONS. I MET THEM IN KANS= AS IN 1989-90. I LOST CONTACT WITH THEM SINCE LAST FEW YEARS. PRESENTLY I AM= LIVING IN LONDON WORKING AS MILITARY ATTACHE FROM NEPAL. =

LT COL INDRA B KARKI MILITARY ATTACHE ROYAL NEPALESE EMBASSY LONDON,W84QU TELE:0044 171 2296231or 1594 EMAIL ADDRESS:Internet:RNELondon@compuserve .

***************************************************************** From: Ben Thapa <kkthapa@apollogrp.edu> To: "'nepal@mp.cs.niu.edu'" <nepal@cs.niu.edu> Subject: On the humerous side Date: Fri, 15 May 1998 11:28:16 -0700

Why DID the chicken cross the road?

Richard M. Nixon: The chicken did not cross the road. I repeat, the chicken did "not" cross the road.

Bill Clinton: I do not believe that you can find any evidence that 'that chicken' is currently crossing the road solely to reach the other side.

Jerry Seinfeld: Why does anyone cross a road? I mean, why doesn't anyone ever think to ask, "What the heck was this 'chicken' doing walking around all over the place anyway?"

Bill Gates: I have just released the new Chicken Office 2000, which will not only cross roads, but it will lay eggs, file your important documents AND balance your checkbook. But please do not waste resources training for CO 2000, as CO 2001 will be released soon, with many improved features, but it will not be backwards-compatible.

Oliver Stone: The question is not "Why did the chicken cross the road?" But is rather "Who was crossing the road at the same time, whom we overlooked in our haste to observe the chicken crossing, and were there other high-placed chickens involved?"

Darwin: Chickens, over great periods of time, have been naturally selected in such a way that they are now genetically predisposed to cross roads.

Grandpa: In my day, we didn't ask why the chicken crossed the road. Someone told us that the chicken had crossed the road, and that was good enough for us.

Machiavelli: The point is that the chicken crossed the road. Who cares why? The end of crossing the road justifies whatever motive there was.

Albert Einstein: Whether the chicken crossed the road or the road moved beneath the chicken depends upon your frame of reference.

Buddha: Asking this question denies your own chicken nature.

Ralph Waldo Emerson: The chicken did not cross the road - it transcended it.

Ernest Hemingway: To die. In the rain.

Colonel Sanders: I missed one?

Kabindra Thapa Phoenix, Arizona

************************************************************ Date: Sat, 16 May 1998 20:12:18 +0530 From: "F. A. H. ('Hutch') Dalrymple" <hutch@wlink.com.np> To: The Nepal Digest <nepal@cs.niu.edu> Subject: Notes on Nepal

The following was discovered in a book entitled, 'Notes on Nepal,' by Edin Vansittart, first published in 1896... I assume you'll see the humor in it...

He that plays continually on the banks of a large river will someday be drowned. He that plays too much upon a rock may fall down some time. Pigs secured by wooden clogs will become tame.

Elephants (if you've got an extra one) secured by twisted cotton ropes will get very tame! (Note: Elephants are into S & M big time... Everyone knows that!) As soon as a wife has risen in the morning, she should bow down before her husband and place his feet upon her head.

If the water is clear, fish will gather there. If the tree is good and large, all birds and squirrels will live there. Be not anxious to defend thy neighbor's honor.

Such wives as obey not their husband's commands and insist upon acting according to their own wishes, will bring ruin to their own home, and after death will be born again in the shape of itchy bitches.

Those who steal cotton will be born again as lepers. A widow is allowed to marry again, but her value is held to have declined by use, and only half the usual bride price should be paid if she is still young (under 25 years old), but only one-quarter if older.

So, take heed...

----------------------------------------------- Date: Tue, 24 Feb 1998 18:24:42 +0000 To: hutch@wlink.com.np From: "V&G Publications Pvt. Ltd." <vgpub@mos.com.np> Subject: NO HUMOR

Hi Hutch, I don't see any humor in this. Please read my comments.

Yubakar Editor, Wave

At 08:12 PM 5/16/98 +0530, you wrote:
>The following was discovered in a book entitled, 'Notes on Nepal,' by
>Edin Vansittart, first published in 1896... I assume you'll see the
>humor in it...
>
>He that plays continually on the banks of a large river will someday be
>drowned.
(There's humor in this??)

>He that plays too much upon a rock may fall down some time.
(Where's humor?)

>Pigs secured by wooden clogs will become tame.
(?????????????????)

>Elephants (if you've got an extra one) secured by twisted cotton ropes
>will get very tame! (Note: Elephants are into S & M big time...
>Everyone knows that!)
(??????????)

>As soon as a wife has risen in the morning, she should bow down before
>her husband and place his feet upon her head.
(I think you know that it is a part of our culture. Are you laughing at this?)

>If the water is clear, fish will gather there.
(Humor???)

>If the tree is good and large, all birds and squirrels will live there.
(????)

>Be not anxious to defend thy neighbor's honor.
(I don't see how you find humor in all these lines. Are you sure you've read these yourself?)

>Such wives as obey not their husband's commands and insist upon acting
>according to their own wishes, will bring ruin to their own home, and
>after death will be born again in the shape of itchy bitches.
(Well, this one, you can say, bears wild imagination.)

>Those who steal cotton will be born again as lepers.
(?????????? I mean, who said this or wrote this and where and in what context and....)

>A widow is allowed to marry again, but her value is held to have
>declined by use, and only half the usual bride price should be paid if
>she is still young (under 25 years old), but only one-quarter if older.
(Again, wild imagination.)

>So, take heed...

Sorry, didn't find any humor.

*************************************************************** Date: Sun, 17 May 1998 11:35:44 -0400 (EDT) From: aiko <gs07aaj@panther.Gsu.EDU> To: The Nepal Digest <NEPAL@cs.niu.edu> Subject: Corrections

I need to make two corrections to the post I'd sent regarding my reaction to the hypocrisy of the US re India:

I had written about a "Dr. Meerschaum" which was an incorrect spelling of his name, and of his name in general: the correct one is "Dr. John Meerscheimer". He is the American professor who also is critical of US condemnation of India

In the "Week in Review" section of the Sunday ed. of the New York Times, there is an article which states that the European nations OPPOSE the US bid for sanctions against India. Perhaps they see the hypocrisy in all this as well? I had written that the "western" nations had followed suit along with the US in condemning India. Perhaps initially, but from what I understand, that quickly changed to no sanctions against. Russia had urged that from the beginning, but not Germany or Britain or France. However, now those countries also do not opt for the sanctions.

Thank you. aiko joshi

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