Received: from mp.cs.niu.edu (mp.cs.niu.edu [131.156.1.2]) by library.wustl.edu (8.8.5/8.8.5) with SMTP id NAA24445; Tue, 15 Dec 1998 13:17:10 -0600 (CST) Received: by mp.cs.niu.edu id AA19220 (5.67b/IDA-1.5 for nepal-dist); Tue, 15 Dec 1998 08:44:45 -0600 Received: by mp.cs.niu.edu id AA19216 (5.67b/IDA-1.5 for nepal-list); Tue, 15 Dec 1998 08:44:44 -0600 Date: Tue, 15 Dec 1998 08:44:44 -0600 Message-Id: <199812151444.AA19216@mp.cs.niu.edu> Reply-To: The Nepal Digest <NEPAL@cs.niu.edu> From: The Editor <NEPAL-REQUEST@cs.niu.edu> Sender: "Rajpal J.P. Singh" <A10RJS1@cs.niu.edu> Subject: The Nepal Digest - Dec 15, 1998 (29 Mangshir 2055 BkSm) To: <NEPAL@cs.niu.edu> Content-Type: text Status: O X-Status: X-Keywords: X-UID: 293
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The Nepal Digest Tuesday Dec 15, 1998: Mangshir 29 2055BS: Year7 Volume81 Issue1
S E A S O N ' S G R E E T I N G S ! ! !
Today's Topics (partial list):
Hindu Kingdom under Siege!
Woman dies after taking Depo
GBNC ko '98-'99 Executive Council Line-up
Length of contributions
Racism : From the Nepalese to the Global Context(IX)
NPPA DABUU Magazine
On brain-drain and helping Nepal
Any Nepalis in Bangkok, Thailand
Letter to the Editor
******************************************************************************
* TND (The Nepal Digest) Editorial Board *
* -------------------------------------- *
* *
* The Nepal Digest: General Information tnd@nepal.org *
* Chief Editor: Rajpal JP Singh a10rjs1@mp.cs.niu.edu *
* (Open Position) *
* Editorial Columnist: Pramod K. Mishra pkm@acpub.duke.edu *
* Sports Correspondent: Avinaya Rana avinayar@touro.edu *
* Co-ordinating Director - Australia Chapter (TND Foundation) *
* Dr. Krishna B. Hamal HamalK@dist.gov.au *
* Co-ordinating Director - Canada Chapter (TND Foundation) *
* Anil Shrestha SHRESTHA@CROP.UOGUELPH.CA *
* SCN Correspondent: Open Position *
* *
* TND Archives: http://library.wustl.edu/~listmgr/tnd/ *
* TND Foundation: http://www.nepal.org tnd@nepal.org *
* WebSlingers: Pradeep Bista,Naresh Kattel,Robin Rajbhandari *
* Rabi Tripathi, Prakash Bista tnd@nepal.org *
* *
* +++++ Food For Thought +++++ *
* *
* "Heros are the ones who give a bit of themselves to the community" *
* "Democracy perishes among the silent crowd" -Sirdar_Khalifa *
* *
******************************************************************************
******************************************************************
Date: Sun, 8 Nov 1998 09:40:32 -0500 (EST)
From: "Pramod K. Mishra" <pkm@acpub.duke.edu>
To: The Nepal digest Editor <nepal-request@cs.niu.edu>
Subject: Hindu Kingdom under Siege!
Dear Editor,
I was troubled by Hari Bansh Jha and N.N. Thakur's essay of Nov.
4 in TND about Nepal, a Hindu Kingdom, under seize. It was not only that
Jha and Thakur's tone was that of any xenophobic propagandist toward both
Muslims and Christians, but their political position as construed from the
essay itself gave a troubling sign of Indian Hindu fundamentalist making
its passage into Nepal. I guess it has already entered Nepal in a big
way. But, surely, Nepal, as the recent news about it has shown, has been
no virgin land in this respect. While trafficking in girls and Gurkhas
from Nepal to India and abroad had been a fairly established practice,
drug, gun, gold, and antique trafficking characterized the heyday of the
Panchayat system. And now, Jha and Thakur brothers tell us that Jannat
and Paradise trafficking is in full swing in Nepal. Nepal this time is
not just a gateway, as in the case of guns, gold, and drugs; nor a
source, as in the case of girls, Gurkhas, and idols; but a destination of
Paradise and Jannat. Who wouldn't want Paradise and Jannat to come to
their country or neighborhood?
But Messrs Jha and Thakur fear Jannat and Paradise--and warn
others as well. They want only their "Swarga," their own "Moksha."
Besides, Jannat is no longer just heaven, nor Paradise mere paradise.
While Mr. Jha, by virtue of his intimate knowledge of India perhaps,
displays an awareness of the Islamic invasion and destruction of the Hindu
bases of civilization in India, starting from 1000 A.D. until the decisive
British arrival after the battle of Plassi, he transfers that fear of
Indian history on the imagination of educated Nepalis in order to forewarn
them of this purported new Muslim invasion. His fear is that, boosted by
the flow of petro-dollar, Nepal would be filled with Mosques and
Madrassas. But what Jha and Thakur do not ask is, Who will go to offer
prayers to the Mosque? And who will go to learn Arabic? And what will be
the result of the having many Madrassas in Nepal? Jha and Thakur, in
their xenophobic mindset, fail to see the distinction between a Mosque and
a Madrassa.
Yes, I went to a Madrassa when I was in class four. My father, a
pundit, sent me to a Madrassa in my village in Morang to learn Arabic,
Urdu, Persian, and Bengali. It was no different from the school--both
were at the time made of hay and bamboo sticks, but the school had a few
desks and benches (the past year's acquisition), and the Madrassa had a
wooden bedstead. I learned how to read Arabic alphabet and recognize
Arabic script; I learned Urdu and Persian (their letters are mostly the
same with a few differences). And it was in this Madrassa that I learned
Bengali as well. Now, I want to ask Messrs Jha and Thakur, these two
learned men-- Would I have learned these, including the history of Islam,
its legends and the fantastic tales of Hatimtai, Ali Baba, Alladin's Lamp
and many others, if I hadn't learned Bengali and hadn't learned Arabic,
Urdu and Persian.
To this day, I regret that the Maulawi who initiated this process
fled only after about six months and my education in these languages
remained incomplete, except for Bengali which I read with Sanglu Miyan, a
failed Muslim tenant, whom I called Sanglu Uncle. But I continued to
learn the religion. I chanted Kalama, said Milad on Friday evening in my
neighbors' courtyards (the pudding was an additional temptation for my
sweet tooth), took part in Muharrum so much so that whenever I had to pass
by a particular tree at dusk while walking from one village to another, I
would chant Hanuman Chalisa and Kalama alternately, hoping that if one
didn't work, the other would in warding off the ghost that everyone in the
village believed lived in that tree. At Muharrum, I made the rounds of
the villages with the Tajia (the paper-and-bamboo temple, colorful and
artistic) because one year it was made in my name, a pledge my mother had
made to the Muslim martyrs, Hasen and Hussain, and their Allah. By going
with the Tajia and doing what my Bengali Muslim villagers did, I learned
not only how to swing a stick, sing Mursia (the mourning song) and wrestle
in order to defend myself (I must say that I haven't used these skills
much so far but I can if needed), but also how to somersault and walk on
my hands. This latter skill has won me many friends and admirers, besides
keeping me fit. Hell, I was raised by the Muslims of my village in more
ways than one. But Jha and Thakur brothers warn me about the dangers of
Madrassa and Mosques. They want only their temples and Sanskrit
"pathsalas," even though they may never send their children there, sending
them, instead, to the English language schools. They want people of their
own kind--Hindus. And then high caste Hindus. And then, if possible,
only Madhesi high caste Hindus. And then, only Maithili-speaking high
caste Hindus. And then only Maithili Brahmins. And, finally, if they
could, only their family and relatives. What do they have to say about
some Kathmandu journalists saying, "Too many madises are coming to
Kathmandu or entering Nepal?" I guess Messrs Jha and Thakur want to join
the hate-bandwagon.
As for Christianity, I never had the opportunity to associate with
it when I was young. But later, whenever I could encounter, I did make
friends with Christian ministers wherever I could find. But the parables
of the Bible came to me early. One of the earliest impressions on my
mind, besides the Sanskrit Niti Shlokas and Hindi verses and Bengali
songs, was the Parable of the Good Samaritan and the Parable of the Seed.
But Messrs Jha and Thakur warn me that Christianity is bad.
In the case of Christianity, they bring the example of
colonialism. And they have a point there. Christianity did turn into a
handmaiden of European colonialism all over the world; it did help
Europeans enslave the Africans and brutalize the colonized by telling the
story about the savages and Noah's sons. Its history is filled with
crimes, including the burning of heretics and witches. And now Jha and
Thakur want to revive those same old fears in order to frighten us. What
is the difference between Christianity operating under the old colonial
paradigm and its Evangelical status now? What is the difference between
atrocities under Mughal and Muslim tyrants on the Hindus in India and
Islam's so-called spread now under the influence of petro-dollar and
Islamic fundamentalism? In spite of being a researcher in economics, Dr.
Hari Bansh Jha would neither ask these questions nor try to answer them.
He, instead, spreads phobia like a cheap Hindu fundamentalist
propagandist.
Messrs Jha and Thakur think that Nepalis in the rural areas and
the hills are fools. They don't know how to count their fingers and
figure out what is good and what is bad for them in spiritual matters.
They want the poor Nepali folks to be protected by the government from
Christianity and Islam. Such demeaning and elitist attitude speaks of
deeper cultural baggage that both Jha and Thakur seem to carry with them.
What is most galling to me is that they not only attack the rich
Kashmiri Muslims who they say have monopolized key real estate in
Kathmandu but also those poor Muslim workers, who enter Nepal as tailors,
bangle sellers, jute washers, and what have you. What is the motive
behind this xenophobia? As high caste Madhesis, do they want acceptance
by the dominant Nepali mainstream by touting slogans about Hinduism's
demise? If that's what they want, then this is not the best way to do so.
For Nepal, at least I hope, can never become a pure Hindu fundamentalist
kingdom of my learned friends' imagination. The day it goes that way,
disaster will strike it fast in the context of its own internal ethnic
complexity. But I know for sure that there are many in India and
elsewhere who fetishize Nepal to be "mankind's only Hindu kingdom." What
a phrase! And what a nostalgia for Ram Rajya! Give Nepal to the likes of
Jha and Thakur to run, they will turn it into kingdom of hate and
xenophobia. How is this xenophobia different from the xenophobia of
dominant Nepali nationalism about the Tarai or the tribes? They appear
same to me.
And the most disturbing aspect of Messrs Jha and Thakur's essay
appears when they attempt to validate the absolute rule of Nepali monarchy
and call the democratic change of 1990 as the dethroning of monarchy. At
such times, they appear like a real threat to Nepal's political and social
health. They appear not only the xenophobic agents of Indian Hindu
fundamentalism but also enemies of democracy. And that's totally
deplorable.
True, Islamic and Christian fundamentalisms and their absolutist
philosophy (if they do operate under this philosophy) are bad and
detrimental to peace in the world, contrary to what the best spirit of
their religions preach. But Hindu fundamentalism in India has not fallen
behind these other fundamentalisms. Whatever the socio-historical
reasons for their rise in their particular places, such extremism and
zealotry have brought trouble more than once in history. But one
blindness cannot be exchanged for another. One fundamentalism cannot be
answered by another. If he indulges in such hate-mongering, Jha ought to
be deplored and exposed, certainly not trusted. I had expected a better
analysis of the situation at least from Dr. Haribansh Jha, who has
written more than one book on serious issues and had been once my colleague.
******************************************************************
Date: Fri, 6 Nov 1998 20:24:18 -0000
From: Rabindra Mishra <Rabindra@btinternet.com>
To: Nepal Digest <tnd@nepal.org>
Subject: Article for publication
Please could you consider the following article for publication on TND.
Nepali Congress:
Is It On A Self-Destructive Path?
By Rabindra Mishra
The elevation of Sushil Koirala to the post of vice-president of the Nepali
Congress (NC) party by Prime Minister and Party Chairman Girija Prasad
Koirala presents another glaring example of his myopia in politics. His
appointment raises two questions: first, whether S. Koirala deserves the
post? And second, whether Prime Minister Koirala should have appointed his
cousin as the second-in-command of the party when he already has his niece
as his deputy in the government? The answer to both is: no. This will be
discussed later. Though this is one in a series of mistakes Nepali Congress
leaders have been making during the party's half-a-century of history, it
explains a lot about why the party, despite being the only democratic force
with historical credential, is unable to build on its past and has failed
the people every time it has been given a chance to rule.
Since its formation in 1947, the Nepali Congress has led two revolutions
which have become milestones in the modern political history of Nepal. The
credit of overthrowing the Rana regime in 1951 goes mostly to the Nepali
Congress and it deserves greater share of credit for leading the 1990
people's movement as well. However, after leading both revolutions of such
historic proportions, each time the party has failed in providing effective
leadership in ensuing years.
EARLY YEARS: After the 1951 revolution, the party certainly widened its
influence among the masses but failed in maintaining party unity once it
came to power, and was unable to retain its leadership in the successive
governments. It blames the King for its fate. It is partly right. However,
had the leadership been able to maintain party unity and deal skilfully
with a sceptical king, who was just experiencing the real power of being a
monarch, the situation could have been different.
When the first democratic elections were held in 1959, the Nepali Congress
came to power with an overwhelming majority and BP Koirala became the
first elected prime minister of the country. However, his government was
dismissed by King Mahendra after 19 months in power and its leaders were
jailed. Almost all commentators hold King Mahendra responsible for what in
the eyes of many was a constitutional coup and the collapse of the
democratic system. There can be absolutely no justification for the King's
conduct. But it would be unfair to blindly rationalise the conduct of BP
Koirala, especially with regard to his dealings with the King.
BP'S BLUNDERS: Leaving other BP-critical reports and historical anecdotes
aside, the memoirs of BP (B P Koiralako Aatmabritanta), where the narrator
never ever shares blame for any failure of the party or that of the
government he led, is an adequate testament to prove that BP failed to a
great extent to feel the pulse of the time, and also recognise the strength
of the King. As a democratically-elected leader, BP certainly symbolised
the hopes of the majority. However, he failed to understand that the King,
as the representative of long-honoured institution of monarchy, symbolised
not only the hope of the majority but of the whole nation. If rivalries and
power struggles occur within a party, when Nepal didn't have any set
mechanism of running the administration or judiciary, a power struggle
between those two forces was but natural.
What was unnatural was the BP's inflated self-estimation: If the King had
made a mistake by suspiciously behaving with BP and apportioning blame to
government, BP had blundered by challenging and trying to undermine not
only the strength but also the naturally inherent pride and ego of a King.
BP, in his memoirs, says that when he sat cross-legged with the King on a
cramped sofa at the latter's request, he consciously crossed his leg facing
His Majesty. He tries to justify his conduct by saying that he wanted to
show the people, who he says were suppressed by the King, that they were
equals. In a student conference in Bombay, answering a question posed by a
student, BP says he said: "...There is someone [feudal] waiting to usurp
the power and that feudal is - the King." A prudent prime minister's
approach would be different. Such an attitude of the prime minister
combined with worsening law and order and growing Indian influence and
interference were probably enough reasons in the eyes of a highly
ambitious, staunchly nationalist and, for many, a visionary King like
Mahendra to launch a coup. The King's action was unquestionably wrong but
one should not totally ignore the fact that once again the Nepali Congress
had failed to maintain its hold on power, this time despite having
overwhelming support of the people. BP was a leader of stature but it would
be wrong to turn a blind eye to his blunders and call him Maha-manaw
(Super-human).
1990 REVOLUTION AND THE AFTERMATH: The chief architect of the 1990 people's
movement was the Nepali Congress which was at the helm of the leadership
although the United Left Front was seen as an equal partner. However,
during its peak the movement had become automated. And it wouldn't have
succeeded without an enthusiastic recharge by the people of
communist-dominated Bhaktapur and Patan when it was losing momentum. No
sooner had the movement succeeded and the NC Acting President Krishna
Prasad Bhattarai headed the interim government than the bickering among the
Congress leaders began. That developed into an open war during the
premiership of Girija Prasad Koirala, who was heading the
majority-government of the Nepali Congress after the 1991 general
elections. The feud within the party ultimately resulted in the collapse of
the government after only three-and-a-half years in power of its five-year
term. The Nepali Congress is solely to blame for the messy political
scenario that followed. The Congress leadership had failed one more time
dashing the hopes of the people. History had repeated itself.
With the split earlier this year of the Nepal Communist Party (United
Marxist-Leninist), the political environment has by fluke turned in favour
of the Nepali Congress. The parliament's political arithmetic in the
aftermath of the communist split, brought Girija Prasad Koirala to power
for the second time raising the hopes of Congress supporters: the general
election is approaching and the Congress leaders head the government - a
great advantage for a party in the context of subcontinental politics. This
time, though Mr Koirala tried to be relatively more cautious in taking
decisions, he succumbed to pressures immediately after taking office and
failed to leave out those with heavily tarnished image from his cabinet.
That was an unwelcome start for many in and outside the party. Many
independent commentators also described Mr Koirala's keeping the Foreign
Ministry for himself a wrong decision as he had exhibited his ignorance in
the area several times during his first tenure in office. (He had even
found trouble in differentiating between migrants, immigrants and refugees
in international forums when the Bhutanese refugee issue has been one of
Nepal's major foreign policy concerns. Such blunders should have made him
realize that Foreign affairs was not his strong point.)
SUSHIL KOIRALA SAGA: S. Koirala, no doubt, has a long history of political
struggle. However, he neither has a strong backing in the party, nor has
shown any sign of convincing the people that he actually deserves the
present post and has the ability to succeed the party president if so
required. It was only last year during the important mahasamiti meeting
that Girija Prasad Koirala had to remove him from the post of party general
secretary after coming under pressure from many party leaders and
activists. The Nepali Congress has a dearth of good leaders and it wouldn't
be unfair to put S. Koirala towards the bottom of the NC leaders' league
judging on the basis of whatever qualities they have.
Besides, Mr Koirala shouldn't have forgotten the backlash against the late
Nepali Congress supremo, Ganesh Man Singh, when his wife and son got the
party ticket to fight the parliamentary elections in 1991, which they both
lost. An allegedly similar desire to promote near and dear ones had to a
great extent tainted the contributions of Mr Singh to the democratic
struggle in Nepal in his last few years. Mr Koirala failed to learn lessons
from those incidents. Even if S. Koirala was indeed fit for the post, Mr
Koirala should have thought twice before appointing him, as he already has
his niece as his deputy in the government and his sister-in-law in the
executive committee of the party. Naturally, his conduct angered many
leaders and grassroots workers. Ex-prime minister, ex-party president and
Mr Koirala's feuding friend, Krishna Prasad Bhattarai, said that Mr Koirala
was striving for "family domination" in the party. He was not entirely
wrong. Mr Koirala's love for nepotism has harmed his party's image and his
own credibility which he was trying to repair after his flawed first time
performance in 1991-94. This is likely to affect the prospects of the
Nepali Congress in the upcoming elections, which many Congress supporters
were looking forward to with great hope.
GOOD IN REVOLUTION, BAD IN GOVERNMENT: The Nepali Congress, in its
half-a-century history, has headed government seven times (once, as the
head of the interim council of minister in 1958). However, except for the
interim periods in 1958 and 1990, the party has always failed in providing
effective leadership once in power. The interim periods could be considered
relatively better as on both the occasions the party was able to accomplish
its major objectives: holding of elections, smooth transfer of power, and
in the case of 1990, promulgation of the constitution. Late Ganesh Man
Singh told this author in 1995 on record that if some problem was to arise,
the people of Kathmandu would seek his leadership, otherwise they wouldn't
care for him. Though he had made the comment in a personal context, it
seems to carry a symbolic meaning as well. Mr Singh, as the then supremo of
the party, represented the Nepali Congress, and the people of Kathmandu
represent the cross sections of Nepalese society. Viewed in this light, his
comment appears correct: People have sought the leadership of the Nepali
Congress to cross the most difficult political junctures in the country's
history. But Congress as a governing party has every time frustrated the
hopes of the people and as a result of which the number of those who care
for its leadership in normal times are continuously on the decline.
POSSIBLE WAY OUT: Many view the handing over of leadership to the so-called
second generation of politicians as a solution to the feud among the top
leaders and repeatedly dismal performance of the party. However, that hope
is bound to be broken if the leadership was actually to be transferred. The
so-called second-generation favourites, Sher Bahadur Deuba, Ram Chandra
Poudel and Sailaja Acharya, all clearly lack qualities of a good leader:
they are neither visionaries, nor skilled negotiators, nor good orators,
nor well-read people. If the Nepali Congress is to choose its leaders only
on the basis of a person's history of past struggle and on the count of
seniority, it may find itself in deep water very soon. After the 1994
elections, the party's leadership ambitions have materialised more through
circumstantial factors than through its own ability. A national party can't
expect to survive on outside circumstances and the signs are that the
Nepali Congress may have to do the same in the next parliament.
Nevertheless, the party still enjoys a democratic credential, a reasonably
solid support base and the sympathy of many intellectuals, professionals
and specialists. If it lacks anything it is good leadership which neither
the first, nor the second generation of Congress leaders, excluding a few
who unfortunately are not the favourites, seem in a position to provide.
When Tony Blair was chosen the leader of the Labour Party in Britain in
1994 at the age of 40, he had been in active politics only for over a
decade and was almost totally unknown until 1990. Within three years of
being a leader, he was able to bring a sea-change in the party and topple
the 18 years of Conservative rule by gaining an overwhelming majority in
the 1997 election. So far he has succeeded in maintaining one of the
highest popularity rating for himself and the government since the Second
World War.
Similarly, unless able leaders, regardless of which ever generation they
belong to, are encouraged and allowed to the higher echelon of the Nepali
Congress, its future looks bleak. For that, it needs a democratic set up
and functioning within the party as much as it champions the cause outside.
The present structure and the working style of the NC make it virtually
impossible for a lower level activist to rise to the top even if he or she
has all the virtues of a good leader. Without a good leader, the Nepali
Congress will go on making blunders, S. Koirala and the likes of him will
keep on being appointed and the party will never rise to its glories won by
its role in historic revolutions. Rather it will slowly sink into
obscurity, leaving the way for its rivals whose strengths so far have been
consistently on the rise.
******************************************************************
Date: Tue, 10 Nov 1998 22:52:22 -0500 (EST)
From: aiko <gs07aaj@panther.Gsu.EDU>
To: The Nepal Digest <NEPAL@cs.niu.edu>
Subject: Bol!: Woman dies after taking Depo (fwd)
I hope the docotrs who read this will do all they can to influence those
back in Nepal to get this drug out. Why is it that drugs such as this
that are now illegal in the United STates are being sent to places like
Nepal? My anger is so great I have no words to describe my disgust.
Aiko Joshi
murasakigenji@sprynet.com
kaguyahime8@yahoo.com
---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Mon, 09 Nov 1998 21:53:24 +0530
From: sushma@mos.com.np
To: bol@mos.com.np
Subject: Bol!: Woman dies after taking Depo
The news-item below appeared in the Kathmandu Post on November 6.
Depo-provera, a three month hormonal contraceptive injection, is being
widely promoted by the CRS company of Nepal, over radio and through
billboards. The radio advertisement, which promises a "healthy" and
"beautiful" baby for women on Sangini (Depo Provera) is not only
deceptive, it also oversteps all ethical guidelines for public
advertising of pharmaceuticals. These advertisements also never mention
the potential side-effects of the injection, some of them with serious
medical consequences.
In Nepal, where many health post workers only have rudimentary health
training, giving a hormonal injection without checking for prior medical
conditions like jaundice or diabetes could mean, as in this case, death.
The culpable party in this case is not the health worker. He is an easy
scapegoat for big donor projects whose priorities lies in fertility
control and demographic transitions rather than the health and
well-being of women, especially poor women from developing countries.
It is time to start providing alternatives like low dosage oral pills
and non-hormonal methods like the cervical cap for women in developing
countries, methods through which they can regulate their fertility
without putting their health and lives at risk.
______________________________________________________________
WOMAN DIES AFTER TAKIN DEPO
PHIDIM, Panchthar, Nov 5 (PR) -
A woman here died Monday soon after receiving Depo Provera injection, a
temporary family planning method.
Sita Devi Shrestha, 21, who had been taking oral pills till then, had
taken the injection for the first time. Shrestha complained of dizziness
after receiving the injection and fainted. She died 21 hours after
receiving the injection in the Hangum Sub Health Post.
Police have taken assistant health worker Ajay Kumar Yadav into custody.
The body has been sent for post mortem.
******************************************************************
Date: Mon, 9 Nov 1998 22:41:07 -0500 (EST)
From: Ashutosh Tiwari <tiwari@fas.harvard.edu>
To: nepal@cs.niu.edu
Subject: GBNC ko '98-'99 Executive Council Line-up (fwd)
A guesstimate puts the number of Nepalis in the Greater Boston area at
around 600.
---------- Forwarded message ----------
Attached below is the complete executive committee of the Greater Boston
Nepali Community (GBNC) for the year 1998/1999. We look forward to having
a successful year.
Thank you.
GBNC Executive Committee
---------------------------
President: Rajesh Babu Shrestha
Vice President: Himal Karmacharya
Treasurer: Abin Bania
Secretary: Sandeep Lama
Members: Santosh Neupane
Jagdish Pandey
Sachit Rajbanshi
Madhusudan Sarda
Nisha Shrestha
Saurav Shrestha
Sameer Tiwari
Prabodh Upreti
Sandesh Wagle
****************************************************************************
Date: Mon, 09 Nov 1998 21:50:44 +0500
To: editor contributions <nepal@cs.niu.edu>
From: "F.A.H. \('Hutch'\) Dalrymple" <hutch@htp.com.np>
Subject: Length of contributions...
Just like Torsten Frank, I like the longer submissions, and would
appreciate if people are going to contribute, to keep them long! Nothing
is more upsetting than a 'short' submission. The TND is supposed to be a
forum, not a place for 'blurbs!' If I wanted short submissions I know
where to go...
Thank you!
F.A.H. ('Hutch') Dalrymple
hutch@htp.com.np
P.S. Of course, Mr. Frank, the above is in jest to make a point... The
Nepal Digest is a forum, where anyone with a computer/e-mail can make a
submission, however long, or however short they want. It's 'manufactured,'
primarily by, but one man, a Mr. J.P. Singh, who has a full time job,
besides. He makes decisions to configure, but not to edit the content!
This is the beauty of such a 'forum.' It's not a 'publication,' where your
material is edited, based on a particularly philosophy, or 'axe-to-grind.'
If some of the 'pieces' are too long, you don't have to read them... If
fact, you don't have to read, or subscribe to the TND period. Yes, weeding
through much 'chafe,' for the germ requires time and patience, I will
agree. But, I just scroll through the stuff I'm not interested in, and
read what interests me. You should do the same, or offer some other more
productive suggestion... like paying for technicians (editors) to reduce
the length. Or, start a shorter version of the TND! It's great to
complain about something, but ultimately unproductive, unless you have a
practical solution (like paying) to 'the problem!'
******************************************************************
Date: Sat, 07 Nov 98 10:33:53 EST
From: "Paramendra Bhagat" <Paramendra_Bhagat@smtpgtwy.berea.edu>
To: Nirmal Ghimire <ngh42799@marauder.millersv.edu>, nepal@cs.niu.edu
Subject: Clarification : Nirmal and Nirmal Ghimire
Sorry for the confusion but that guy did not give me his last name. Take care.
___________________________________________________________________
Subject: Hi
From: Nirmal Ghimire <ngh42799@marauder.millersv.edu> at Berlink
Date: 11/7/98 6:57 AM
Mr Bhagat:
I know that many people have their own point of view, and that is
important to have a healthy discussion.
I have never said, anything about your term paper or anything you have
written.
I am a different Nirmal. My name is Nirmal Ghimire.
Next time you address somebody in TND, please make sure you address
them with the full name.
So as not to cause confusion.
bye
Nirmal Ghimire
**************************************************************************
From: "Diwas Khati" <diwask@hotmail.com>
To: nepal@cs.niu.edu
Subject: To Paramendra with Love
Date: Sat, 07 Nov 1998 09:48:16 PST
Mr Bhagat,
Looking at the size of your postings, and the amount of hard work you
have to put into its compilation and processing, I think it is time for
you to start your own "Paramendra Post" (or something that you like) and
gather some serious followers. I will take number 14 in your list of
readers.
On another note, don't you think you are simply posting irrelevant
stuffs there? TND, as I understand "...is a publication of TND
Foundation, a global not-for-profit information and resource center
committed to promoting issues concerning Nepal..." (src: TND banner).
Would you not think it is now time for you to get your readers' feedback
on your postings? Most of them don't care about your postings any.. at
least I don't...(thanks to the scroll-down-able mouse from
Microsoft..)..
Just a snowy Saturday.. thought do my part to "jaatibaad" abolishion in
Paramendra_Land...
Reply by e-mail.... diwask@hotmail.com
subhechhuk... <wishing well>
Diwas
***********************************************************************************************
***********************************************************************************************
Date: Sat, 07 Nov 98 15:52:43 EST
From: "Paramendra Bhagat" <Paramendra_Bhagat@smtpgtwy.berea.edu>
To: nepal@cs.niu.edu
Subject: Racism : From the Nepalese to the Global Context(IX)
Source:
http://www.antiracist.com/resource/dealwith.html
-Racism is the belief that skin colour determines intelligence, criminality
and values. Racism is a common feature of Canadian society and is often used to
justify the mistreatment of groups of people. Racism is all the more dangerous
when groups have the power to enforce discrimination through legislation,
education and in the labour market.
-The electronic and print media provide powerful images of the world and
many Canadians treat this information as "the truth". However, bias in the media
has resulted in prejudice, discrimination and hatred based on skin colour,
ethnic origin and religion.
-how the media may continue to perpetuate racism.
-Racist descriptions: defining the racial background of a person suspected
of committing an offence or a crime when no racial description is given when the
offender is not from a minority group.
-Stigmatizing groups: using derogatory language when describing a group or a
person from a minority group. This often appears through the use of language -
language that would not be acceptable for a member of the majority.
-Racialization: implying that a person's actions or behaviour arise from his
or her skin colour or supposed "racial" background. The colour of a persons skin
is not responsible for how a person acts. Nor does skin colour cause crime.
-Irrelevant information: the media often provides trivial information about
minority cultures that incites hatred or contempt.
-Creating doubt: minority spokes persons are often not treated with the same
respect and courtesy as others. For example, placing information in question by
using quotation marks and words such as "alleged" can make readers wonder about
the credibility of minority people when such comments or quotation marks would
not be used in other cases.
-Using stereotypes: common stereotypes in the media describe immigrants from
particularly countries as "illegal aliens" or "bogus refugees" when they are
not.
-Us versus them: stereotypes about groups can create an "us versus them"
tone that implies that all members of minority groups are criminals, deviants
and threaten "our" society.
-Selective reporting: featuring people of colour only in stories that deal
with crime or social unrest. This contributes to a negative view of people of
colour and is a form of discrimination and racism.
-One of the most effective ways to help stop racism is to let whoever is
responsible know what you think. And the more people who complain, the more
powerful and effective that message will be. Complaints about racism in the
media should address the four "w"s: who, what, when and where. In other words,
write down the date, time, name of the show and the station or network.
-If the item is in print (newspaper or magazine), cut it out and note the
source, the date of publication and the name of the publisher. Write down the
details of the story, the people concerned and why you consider it racist. Send
this information to the publisher and copy it to an anti-racism media watch
group (see the list of organizations below).
-Legal action is another, though expensive, strategy.
British Columbia Human Rights Act
Section 2(1) states:
2(1) No person shall publish, issue or display or cause to be published, issued
or displayed any statement, publication, notice, sing, symbol, emblem or any
other representation that
(a) indicates discrimination or intention to discriminate against a person or a
group or class of persons or
(b) is likely to expose a person or a group or class of persons to hatred or
contempt because of the race, colour, ancestry, place of origin, religion,
marital status, family status, physical or mental disability, sex, sexual
orientation or age of that person or that group or class of persons.
CRTC Regulations Respecting Television Broadcasting
Section 5(1) states:
A licence shall not broadcast
(a) anything in contravention of the law;
(b) ny abusive comment or abuse pictorial representation that, when taken in
context, tends or is likely to expose an individual or a group or class of
individuals to hatred or contempt on the basis of race, national or ethnic
origin, colour,
religion, sex, age or mental or physical disability;
(c) any absence or profane language or pictorial representation; or
(d) any false or misleading news.
Criminal Code of Canada
If the coverage incites hatred against particular groups you may refer to
section 281.2 of the Criminal Code;
(1) Everyone who, by communicating statements in any public place, incites
hatred against any identifiable groups where such incitement is likely to leas
to a breach of the peace is guilty of
(a) an indictable offence and is liable to imprisonment for two years; or
(b) an offence punishable on summary conviction.
(2) Every one who communicates statement, other than in private communication,
wilfully promotes hatred against any identifiable groups is guilty of
(a) an indictable offense and is liable to imprisonment for two years; or
(b) an offence punishable on summary conviction.
However, this section can only be used with the consent of the Attorney General.
How to Deal with Racial Violence
-Racial violence is based on hostility towards people of a different "race",
skin colour, religion, ancestry or national origin. Racial violence can happen
anywhere - where you live, go to school, or work.
INTIMIDATION: physical and verbal threats, hateful glares.
HARASSMENT: insults, shoving, telling "ethnic" jokes even when you object to
them, racist graffiti and racist hate propaganda .
PHYSICAL VIOLENCE: assault with or without a weapon.
-The effects of racism are devastating. Victims can be physically and
emotionally harmed, and property can be destroyed or damaged. Examples of the
psychological damage of racial violence typically involve:
repeated nightmares
loss of sleep and appetite
loss of self-esteem
stress, depression, and anger
fear of leaving the safety of the home
-Record the details of the incident. Try to record as much information as
you can.
Date, time, and place of the incident(s)
The circumstances of the incident
Description of the attacker(s), including details like height, hair, eye
colour and clothing
Description of any cars, including make, year, license plate number,
colour
Name, telephone number and address of any witnesses
Name and badge number of the assisting police officers and district where
he or she works
Medical report of any injury
Photographs and insurance reports of any property damage
If you deal with the police:
Have someone with you for support and reassurance (you may, for example,
wish to have a neighbour, friend, or
passer-by be with you)
Ask for a translator if you have trouble speaking or understanding
English
Ask about police procedures in dealing with racial violence
Don't forget to ask for the file number of your case. The file number
will help identify your case if you wish to ask
questions or pursue the case later.
Ask that the police follow-up your complaint and inform you of its status
Filing a complaint with the police will not only make them aware of the
incident, but it will also provide necessary documentation if you decide to take
further action, like a civil suit or claim for compensation.
4. If you are a witness to racial violence, don't turn a blind eye! Speak out or
physically intervene. However, always use caution in violent situations. Public
attention itself will usually discourage most aggressors. You can help a great
deal by
contacting the police.
Youth should inform a responsible adult immediately. A parent, neighbor,
store owner, or passers-by may be asked to help.
5. If you are victimized by racist hate groups, call one of the organizations
listed
Civil Court Action: Under some circumstances, you can sue your aggressor for
damages in civil court in addition to any criminal charges that may be laid by
the Attorney General.
Human Rights Complaints: If you are a victim of racial of discrimination or
racial harrasment in employment or access to services, you can file a complaint
Going to the Media: Making a racist incident public is another important way to
create awareness and action against racism.
*************************************************************
From: himalmag@mos.com.np
To: Nepal@cs.niu.edu
Date: Sun, 8 Nov 1998 19:39:17 +0000
Subject: from Himal about New Toni Hagen Book
Dear friends at Nepal Digest:
Please pardon this 'commercial' note, coming from Himal Books in
Kathmandu.
This is only to announce that we have managed a major publishing
advance in Nepal, the revised and updated publication of Toni Hagen's
classic work, NEPAL. The previous edition was printed in Switzerland,
and we are proud to say that this new edition done in Nepal is as good
if not a little better. Definitely, the book is current. It has been
revised and updated in a collaboration between Toni Hagen and Himal
editor, Deepak Thapa. What they have given us is being
seen as a successful cross between a coffee-table book and a reference
work on the country, with a good dose of adventure writing, natural
history, political history and development theory.
If you want to know more about the book and also access the order
form, check out our website at: http://www.himalmag.com/himalbooks/
The book is published by Himal Books, publishing wing of the
non-profit Himal Association. We feel that this will be an
interesting book for the personal libraries of all Nepal-wallahs, and
also a nice year-end gift!
Thank you.
The People at Himal Books
PO Box 42
Lalitpur, Nepal
******************************************************************
Date: Sun, 08 Nov 98 12:26:22 EST
Forwarded by: "Paramendra Bhagat" <Paramendra_Bhagat@smtpgtwy.berea.edu>
To: nepal@cs.niu.edu
Subject: NSP to carry on fast unto death
NSP to carry on fast unto death
By a Post Reporter
RAJBIRAJ, Nov 7 - President of the Nepal Sadbhavana Party (NSP) Gajendra Narayan
Singh has expressed his determination that the indefinite fast unto death being
staged at Bhadrakali will not be withdrawn at any cost unless the government
makes efforts to amend the constitution.
Speaking at a press conference at Saptari Sewa Ashram on Friday, he criticised
article 8 of the present constitution and said the agitation would not be
withdrawn even after burning the article on the Constitution Day.
Stating it was a matter of regret that no representative of the present
government had come to the site of fasting even on the sixth day, he said
different political parties of China, Korea and India had supported their
demand.
NSP hunger strike enters third day
By a Post Reporter
KATHMANDU, Nov 3- Leaders of Nepal Sadbhavana Party (NSP), one of the four
national parties, continued their indefinite fast Tuesday demanding a federal
structure in the Kingdom.
The indefinite fast of the NSP leaders entered its third day today. Protestors
say, they will not end their fast until the government fulfils key demands. If
that is not done, the fasters plan to abandon their fast on November 9 when they
intend to burn the nation's constitution.
The party, which largely represents Terai districts and which won three
parliamentary seats in the last general elections, is demanding a federal form
of government in the country with the centre overseeing foreign and defense
policies.
Among other demands include granting of citizenship to Terai citizens
reservation policy for Terai residents, employment for at least one member of a
family and checking spiralling price rises.
Party lawmaker Hridyesh Tripathi, General Secretary Biswonath Prasad Shah,
treasurer Biswonath Singh Rajbanshi, joint general secretary Devendra Mishra and
national centre committee member Dilip Kumar Singh are the prominent leaders
taking part in the fast.
Lawmaker Tripathi, said that the NSP had submitted a memorandum to the Prime
Minister in Kathmandu and to Chief District Officers of 20 districts a month and
half ago pressing for their demands. "To compel the government, we also
organized hunger strikes in 20 districts but to no avail", he said.
Tripathi further said that all the issues had been discussed in parliament
several times and lots of documents had been prepared. "But they are just not
being implemented", he added.
The chief demands of the NSP are granting citizenship and setting up a federal
government. "We have demanded five federal states in the nation which will be
controlled by central government. The central government will take care of
defence and foreign affairs while the federal states will control rest of the
ministries. If necessary, central government can easily dismiss the federal
state government to form another".
NSP leaders said that if the government failed to fulfil the demands, the party
will burn the constitution on November 9 which falls on the Constitution Day.
NSP to burn Constitution
By a Post Reporter
KATHMANDU, Oct 31 - Nepal Sadbhavana Party(NSP), one of the four national
parties in the country, today reiterated that it would indeed go forward with
its previously declared programme of burning copies of the Constitution on
November 9, the 8th Constitution Day.
A Central Committee meeting of the party held here today decided to go ahead
with the programme since "the government has failed to favourably consider our
demands put forward to it in the form of a memorandum" during mid-August.
The party also plans to start an indefinite fast at Bhadrakali beginning Sunday.
Senior leaders of the party including secretary general Hridayesh Tripathi,
treasurer Bishwanath P Shah, joint secretary Bishwanath S Rajbanshi, and central
committee members Devendra Mishra and Dilip Kumar Singh will participate in the
fast, a party press release said.
The demands of the party seek, among others, establishment of a federal system
of government in the country and an assurance that the people from the Terai
region can obtain citizenship certificates in a simplified manner.
Since the submission of the memorandum to the government over two months ago,
the party organised a number of protest programmes to press for the demands.
Based mainly in the eastern, central and western Terai of the country, NSP
presently has three members in the House of Representatives, three less than
half a dozen seats it won in the first House (1991-94) after the reinstatement
of multiparty democracy.
*************************************************************************
Date: Mon, 09 Nov 1998 15:42:40 +0530
From: Newman-Rai <spacecat@wjc.wlink.com.np>
To: Nepal@cs.niu.edu
Subject: subscription
would like to subscribe to TND. I'm a student at KU's department of
music (ethnomusicology) and run my own independent zine out of kathmandu
called Earshot. Actually i was wondering if i could print that article
about street hustler Rakesh in India, in Earshot. Any way of getting
hold of the writer?
namaste!
sareena rai
***********************************************************
Date: Mon, 9 Nov 1998 07:08:14 -0500 (EST)
From: Tulsi Maharjan <tmaharja@rvcc.raritanval.edu>
To: Bikas_shrestha@hotmail.com
Subject: NPPA DABUU Magazine
NPPA had a very successful Bhintuna celebration. More than 300 people
particpated in this year's event. Once again, I would like to thank
everyone for their support. We raised more than $1000 dollars for the
NEPA Education Project.
If you are interested in receiving a hard copy of the NPPA's DABUU
Magazine, please send $5.00 made payable to NPPA and send it to me.
BCC: Copies send to all Friend's of NPPA
Dr. Tulsi Maharjan
89 Choctaw Ridge RD
Branchburg, NJ 08876
******************************************************************
From: "Paramendra Bhagat" <paramendra@hotmail.com>
To: nepal@cs.niu.edu
Subject: A possible South Asian economic union
Date: Mon, 09 Nov 1998 11:04:59 PST
The Nuclear Fallout
by Paramendra Bhagat
June 27, 1998
When India went to the polls in February 1998 that subsequently put the
BJP into power, albeit with only a wafer-thin, patch-up majority, the
global media largely ignored the exercise in the world's largest
democracy. Compare that with the attention the non-democratic regime in
China has consistently been getting, be it the human rights and
democracy issue, the Tibet issue, the Taiwan or the trade issue. When
the same BJP government conducted the Nuclear Tests in May 1998, the
sub-continent took center-stage in the global media market, even more so
after Pakistan replied back the same month with tests of its own. How
has this tectonic shift in global attention on the sub-continent
affected the South Asians who live in the west, Europe or, primarily,
the United States? Not only the Americans of South Asian origin but also
the South Asians in the US who hold citizenship of the countries they
are from? How has this shift in global politics affected you, at your
workplace, school or at the shopping mall, or out in the streets, if at
all?
The Kashmir Question
by Paramendra Bhagat
August 6, 1998
It is a foregone conclusion that the India-Pakistan bilateral relations
will not see better days until the Kashmir question has reached some
sort of a mutually acceptable conclusion. There is no skipping it. The
complexity of the Kashmir problem has parallels on the global level.
Two come straight to mind : the Northern Ireland dispute that has shown
some signs of healing and the Israel-Palestine dispute, that looks
pretty much hopeless as of now.
The recent nuclear tests conducted by India and Pakistan have put
Kashmir on the global map like never before. Although from the
perspective of other global powers the nuclear tests might be a matter
of concern independent of Kashmir, the explosions are not the disease
but only the symptoms of the deadliest political disease in the South
Asian context.
Kashmir, two-thirds of it held by India, the other third by Pakistan,
has been the source of hostilities, often subdued, sometimes flagrant,
since 1947. India has been totally rejecting a referendum of the entire
Kashmiri people that Pakistan has asked for all along. The territorial
claims of Islamabad and Delhi resurface every so often and result in
titanic ego clashes of the political leadership of both countries. The
internal politics of Kashmir often gets subdued in the larger debate.
The three major groups of people in Kashmir - the people of Jammu and
Ladakh and the Kashmiri Pundits and Muslims - do not necessarily fit
into the straitjacket of the thinking in either Islamabad or Delhi.
The Kashmiri Muslims themselves are not one voice. Some seek
independence, some closeness to Pakistan, others seek an enhanced
autonomy within the Indian Union, and still others would prefer a
complete merger with India. We should not be surprised that is so. Do
all Indian Hindus or all Pakistani Muslims subscribe to any one
political orientation, or one solution to the myriad problems they face
independent of Kashmir?
Northern Ireland might be the solution to the Kashmir problem. When
both United Kingdom and Ireland are themselves waiting to merge into a
larger European Union, the question of whether Northern Ireland joins UK
or Ireland ceases to be urgent. The European Union experiment has
pulled the rug from beneath the feet of the Northern Ireland problem.
Should South Asia move towards an economic union, the question as to
which way Kashmir goes will become moot. Further, all the homework that
the South Asian countries will have to do to make any economic union a
reality will push them onto the road of a rapid economic growth that
will give them a collective greatness at the global level that nuclear
weapons will not. The contemporary competition on the global level is
economic. Don't miss the train Islamabad and Delhi!
What would you say?
Paramendra Bhagat
NSP president threatens suicide
By a Post Reporter
KATHMANDU, Nov 10 - President of Nepal Sadbhawana Party, Gajendra Narayan Singh,
today said that he is ready to go as far as to commit suicide if the five-point
demand put forth by the party is not fulfilled.
Addressing a press meet organized at the party office today, Singh said that the
government has not looked into the matter seriously and added that the present
protests will continue until the demands put forward by the party are fulfilled.
Singh stated that five hundred NSP workers were arrested from various parts of
the country during Monday's attempt to burn the citizenship provisions in the
Constitution and alleged that the police treated those arrested with high-
handedness.
According to Singh, before burning the Constitution, he had an unofficial
dialogue with Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala. "I requested the Prime
Minister to visit Bhadrakali where our party leaders are organizing hunger
strike and to announce amendments in the Article concerning citizenship." But
since the Prime Minister showed no interest, he added, his party was compelled
to burn that page from the constitution.
Sadbhawana Party started the hunger strike, which entered the tenth day today,
putting forth demands like amendment of the Constitution, establishment of a
federal system of government and reservations to the Terai people.
Singh reiterated that his party was not willing to compromise on the demand for
the Constitutional amendment but is willing to discuss other matters.
Nepali Activists Detained after Protest
Reuters
09-NOV-98
KATHMANDU, Nov 9 (Reuters) - Nepali police on Monday detained a group of
activists who tried to burn copies of the constitution in support of
people living in the terai region bordering India.
Police said 23 members of the Nepal Sadbhavana Party (NSP), alleging
discrimination against people living in the terai region, were detained
as they attempted to set copies of the constitution ablaze in
Kathmandu.
The commotion occurred as the Himalayan kingdom marked the eighth
anniversary of its new constitution.
The NSP is based in the terai region and has three deputies in the
205-member lower House of Representatives.
The party alleges that development of the region, Nepal's bread basket,
has been neglected by the government.
Prepared in 1990 following a pro-democracy movement, the constitution
established multi-party democracy under a constitutional monarchy in the
world's only Hindu kingdom.
The Nepal government released 180 inmates from different jails,
pardoning their remaining prison terms to mark constitution day, state
radio said.
**************************************************************
Date: Wed, 11 Nov 1998 14:41:01 -0500 (EST)
From: Ashutosh Tiwari <tiwari@fas.harvard.edu>
To: nepal@cs.niu.edu
Subject: On brain-drain and helping Nepal.
Dr. Gaury Adhikari writes from Michigan: (TND, Nov. 4)
>"ANMF is a US based non profit organization being run by the joint
>efforts of Nepali and North Americans and its main mission is to : help
>Nepal strengthen her technical capabilities in medical field so that
>advanced medical care is available for her people."
That's a lofty goal indeed.
But I thought, and I am no doctor, so please correct me, what Nepal lacks
is NOT some "advanced medical care" as much as BASIC health care
provisions. Not expensive cures, as much as basic, widespread preventive
measures.
This is not to say that "advanced medical care" has no place in Nepal. On
the contrary, my point is that perhaps when thinking about Nepal, we
should tone down our fixations with "advanced medical care", "technical
competency" and other gee-whiz stuff, and think/care more deeply about --
if medical help is really our goal -- how to go about
effectively/efficiently providing mundane, routine, if boring BUT very
essentially life-saving health-care provisions.
If ANMF has thought about these issues too, great. If not, could it?
ashu
****************************************************************
From: "Paramendra Bhagat" <paramendra@hotmail.com>
To: nepal@cs.niu.edu
Subject: Will the Nepali Congress get to hold the elections?
Will the NC-ML coalition fall apart? Should it do so, will there be a
coalition between the UML, ML, RPP(Chand) and the NSP? Or will it be a
new NC, RPP(Thapa),NSP coalition? Or will the NC split - for all
practical purposes it is wide-split anyway - formally and open up many
more possibilities regards coalition building at the centre? Myriad are
the possibilities. The NSP comes across as the only major party with no
internal dissent and with a clear vision whereas the stew seems to be
brewing the strongest within the Nepali Congress. Keep stock, Nepal's
politics awaits some interesting twists and turns over the next 10
months.
The Sadbhavana will emerge much stronger in the Terai than it has in the
past two elections.
The forecast by the Home Ministry (see bottom of the message) about the
probable distribution of seats in the next parliament belies ground
realities.
Paramendra Bhagat
Meanwhile, the CPN-UML has completely disagreed and dissented with the
Nepal Sadbhavana Partys demand.
"We oppose completely with their demand of provincial government," Nepal
said. This will divide the nation and ultimately assist the reactionary
elements, he said.
The Nepal Sadhvabana Partys attempt to torch the constitution on Monday
was foiled by the government.
The police prevented a small rally led by NSP president Gajendra Narayan
Singh from setting fire to the photocopies of the constitution. Gajendra
Narayan Singh and other organisers of the rally have been taken into
custody.
Meanwhile, many onlookers jeered at the protestors for degrading the
constitution on the constitution day.
BIRGUNJ, Nov 10 - General secretary of Communist Party of Nepal (ML) Bam
Dev Gautam today threatened to withdraw from the ruling coalition "any
time" because of continued dishonesty of the Nepali Congress party, the
leading coalition partner.
"Our party is competent enough to fight elections against Nepali
Congress and CPN (UML), if the elections were to be held now. CPN (ML)
will be the biggest political power of the country after eight months",
he said.
Koirala's "Kitchen cabinet"..blatant nepotism. ...Those who are unhappy
includes senior leaders like former Home Minister Khum Bahadur Khadka,
former Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba and even a trusted Koirala man
like Bijay Gachhedar who is minister even in the present cabinet. It is
said Gachhedar is unhappy because Sujata is coming to Sunsari, his
district and she may even get his constituency.
Meanwhile, former party president and trouble maker for Koirala, Krishna
Prasad Bhattarai is also slated to stand for election in two places. He
was heard saying to a journalist that he would contest from
constituency no. 1 in Kathmandu and a safe constituency in Birgunj. If
Bhattarai is elected, he could again cause a problem for Prime Minister
Koirala. If nothing, those who are against Koirala, could
cause problems by just egging Bhattarai to claim that he should be the
prime minister.
There were news reports that the Nepali Congress may throw ML out and
seek partnership with others.
Within the Nepali Congress, the anti-Koirala lobby is becoming active.
The PM has a lot of problems as he must face three influential leaders
Bhattarai (Krishna Prasad Bhattarai), Deuba (Sher Bahadur
Deuba) and Poudel. Besides, another strong leader within the NC Khum
Bahadur Khadka is also against PM Koirala.
As the tenure of the current Nepali Congress central committee expires
in Baisakh (April-May), the anti-Girija lobby is planning to hold the
election for the post of party president in coming Jesth (May-June).
The lobby wants to replace the present president of the party Girija
Prasad Koirala with a new one and also elect a new parliamentary party
leader.
In the meantime, the opposition is preparing to foil the PMs plan.
According to Narayan Man Bijukchhen, President of Nepal Workers Peasants
Party, the CPN (UML) may register a vote of no-confidence against the
present government of the NC-CPN (ML). For this purpose, the UML has
started informal negotiations with other opposition parties.
The Congress had thought that the UML would be weak by taking the ML as
its partner. But the Congress is now shocked. The MLs influence on the
people has remained zero. And the Congress is becoming weaker and weaker
after taking the ML as its partner while the UML is getting stronger.
This has frightened the Nepali Congress.
The report also says, the Congress will win about 80-90 seats, the UML
about 65-70 seats and Maoists 20 to 25 seats. Likewise, it has also been
estimated that the RPP (Thapa) will win about 10-15 seats, RPP (Chand)
5-7 seats, Sadbhavana 5-7 seats, and the CPN (ML) 8-10 seats.
From: "Paramendra Bhagat" <Paramendra_Bhagat@smtpgtwy.berea.edu>
To: nepal@cs.niu.edu
Subject: Chaitime.com
Dear TND readers,
Please visit <http://www.chaitime.com> and tell me why you think this attempt to
create "your South Asian home on the web" is promising. We need some South Asian
surfers to pitch in some niceties for our fundraising efforts. I will appreciate
that. Thanks.
**********************************************************************
From: "Madhav P. Bhatta" <bhatta-s@crl.soph.uab.edu>
To: nepal@cs.niu.edu
Date: Thu, 12 Nov 1998 10:11:00 CST-6CDT
Subject: Any Nepalis in Bangkok, Thailand
Dear Nepali Dajuhai ra Didibahahi:
My name is Madhav Bhatta, a Master of Public Health Student the at
University of Alabama at Birmingham. I will be going to Bangkok,
Thailand on January 3, 1999 for a three month International Public
Health Field Experience. I am trying to get in touch with
Nepalis in Bangkok. So if there are any Nepalis in Bangkok or anyone who
knows anyone there, please drop me an e-mail at the above address. I
would really appreciate your help and an opportunity to get in touch
with Nepalis in Bangkok.
Thank you in advance.
Madhav P. Bhatta
University of Alabama at Birmingham
School of Public Health
Birmingham, AL 35294
***********************************************************
From: Shoyambhu@aol.com
Date: Fri, 13 Nov 1998 02:37:03 EST
To: NEPAL@cs.niu.edu
Subject: hello
As you mentioned Mugals, so did Sankaracharya to Buddhists. Does it make
hindus more tolerant?
Tolerance in a religion doesn't come from it's scripture, but from the people
practicing it.
nirmal
******************************************************************
From: "Hari Thapa" <thapahari@hotmail.com>
To: nepal@cs.niu.edu
Subject: Editor
Date: Sat, 14 Nov 1998 09:50:37 PST
Dear Editor:
Like many other readers I have been wondering why you are still allowing
Mr. Bhagat to publish his articles. I am NOT interested in reading
unedited 'cut and paste' articles from the internet. I am pretty sure
most of your readers are not very interested in politics, especially
when it comes to Bihar and UP. Mr. Bhagat's articles are extremely
boring and lengthy. I am clueless as to WHY anyone of us should be
interested in reading his articles. They have no substance and are out
of context. There are other important issues that need
to be discussed. We can still wait for another five hundred years to
discuss about Racism, Sexism, Abortion, Homosexuality etc. The most
important issues that surrounds us now are not those social evils but
education, Healthcare, and elimination of poverty. We need to bring into
justice the people that robbed our nation in the past and the present. I
will be more than willing to share my views on OUR issues than some hick
not renting an apartment to an Indian in Winnepeg.
I very much agree with the idea of free press, freedom of speech etc..
but the articles need to be relevant to what people want to read. I
would like you to consider my request next time you publish such
unworthy articles.
Thank you,
Hari Thapa
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