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The Nepal Digest Tuesday 12 December 95: Push 2 2052 BS Volume 45 Issue 2
* TND Board of Staff *
* ------------------ *
* Editor/Co-ordinator: Rajpal J. Singh firstname.lastname@example.org *
* TND Archives: Sohan Panta email@example.com *
* SCN Correspondent: Rajesh B. Shrestha firstname.lastname@example.org *
* +++++ Food For Thought +++++ *
* "LIFE: Indulgence vs Seeking Truth - Which is your forte?" -Sirdar_Khalifa *
* "If you don't stand up for something, you will fall for anything" -Dr. MLK *
* "Democracy perishes among the silent crowd" -Sirdar_Khalifa *
From: Sushil Upadhyay <SUSHIL@mallatrk.mos.com.np>
Date: Fri, 24 Nov 1995 11:01:08 +0545
Rajesh Shrestha posted Ben Mosley's queries re trekking in Nepal.
("Is it unsafe to trek in Nepal?").
Frank talked about the weather forecasters in Nepal.
And the AP.
FYI, Frank, the ridge in Gokyo is not Kala Pattar. Kala Patthar (the
black rock) is above Everest Base Camp.
Over to you.
Sushil Upadhyay, Malla Treks, PO Box 5227, Kathmandu, Nepal
Date: Fri, 24 Nov 1995 11:30:06 -0500
Subject: Sending mail to Nepal
There was a recent posting where someone mentioned that tourists could
send mail to the U.S. Embassy for pick up by them when they got to Nepal. An
embassy friend of mine told me that this is not true. The embassy can only
clear mail and packages for diplomatic personnel.
They suggest that tourists may wish to check with the American Express office or local travel agencies for mail pickup services. The embassy cannot do this for private individuals as it is against federal regulations. They mentioned that some unfortunate women had heard this on the Internet and had sent prescription glasses to the Kathmandu embassy, which the embassy could not clear.
Date: Sat, 25 Nov 1995 15:01:17 -0500
From: email@example.com (Padam Sharma)
Subject: InfoNepal Foundation Update
I sincerely thank all those who sent their fruitful comments on my proposal
of INFONEPAL Foundation to promote stewardship of Nepal. I am really
encouraged by the overwhelming support which came with a basic message, "
Excellent idea! How can I help?"
Let me first restate the proposed name of the foundation, its mission and
EMPOWER NEPAL INTERNATIONAL FOUNDATION (InfoNepal)
The InfoNepal Foundation is a non-profit organization to be incorporated in
the state of ............ in the United States of America. InfoNepal is an
endeavor to reach out and touch people who love and take pride in
stewardship of Nepal. By forming a global network of expatriate Nepalese
and friends of Nepal, InfoNepal wants to disseminate the combined
goodwill, energy, capital resources and information for salvation of Nepal
to future generations.
Like the majestic Himalayas, Nepal will rise to the zenith of human dignity, economic prosperity, socio-cultural harmony, and environmental quality in Asia.
Improve and sustain the environment and quality of life in Nepal.
InfoNepal accomplishes its mission by:
1. Building an international network of Nepali expatriates, Nepali
students, friends of Nepal, and organizations involved in improving
the quality of life in Nepal.
2. Providing opportunities for network members to exchange information and
pool knowledge, skills, and capital resources for economic
development and environmental restoration work in Nepal.
3. Facilitating opportunities for members to conduct research, demonstrate
appropriate technology, volunteer services, conduct seminars, and workshops in Nepal. 4. Providing information and facilitating logistics in Nepal for investment by non-resident Nepalese and friends of Nepal. 5. Providing resources for non-resident Nepalese to resettle and participate in community development and environmental restoration projects in Nepal. 6. Providing opportunities for adult education and training in rural areas on entrepreneurship, literacy, nutrition, family planning, preventive health, and environmental restoration. 7. Developing conditions for empowerment by cultivating a culture of trustworthiness accountability, mutual respect, philanthropy, volunteerism, and stewardship of human and natural resources. 8. Providing training opportunities for leadership development, communication skills, civilized exchange of ideas, and parliamentary procedures to political and apolitical organizations. 9. Maintaining a directory of NGO's in Nepal and evaluating their potential for a trustworthy agreement with InfoNepal and other donor agencies. 10. Disseminating InfoNepal and other development news to network members by supporting Nepal related global information networks in the cyberspace and other media.
____________________________________________________________________ Here are few of the comments:
"I was very happy to see that you have taken the initiative to form an
organization using people (those Nepalese and well wishers of Nepal) all
around the world. This should be made into reality. The ultimate objective
should be to help Nepal and its people inside Nepal. Many of us,
particularly those Nepalese working outside Nepal are able and should make
attempts to help our country in whatever way we find acceptable."
"I just read your bulletin on INFO Nepal on the web. I will be traveling to
Nepal next October with another female friend. I have never been to the
country, but distinctly remember from the age of four being drawn there.
The issues you stated concern for are very much in line with my own, and
I'm interested in doing either volunteer work or (eventually) possible
professional work for the good of Nepal and the Nepali people. I would love
to become involved with INFO Nepal."
"I am a sophomore Chemistry major at Rice University. I am interested in
environmental science and plan to study abroad in Nepal next year
(beginning fall of '96), through the School for International Training and Cornell programs alternately." I recently found your homepage for InfoNepal and am intrigued by the prospect that I might be able to contribute to this cause during my stay next year."
"I would love to get involved in something like InfoNepal. It is a great
idea. We have to do something if we want to keep our country together. Good
education for the Nepali children probably one of the most important and
most challenging things we have to accomplish. Cultural interaction and
understanding is also very essential. Adult education's role cannot be
"I am a student in college interested in this group to help Nepal. I
compliment this organization's presentation of it's activities in helping
Nepal. I have read postings by other organizations, but they seem to lose
the purpose of helping Nepal. How can I find out more about InfoNepal? I
would like to help Nepal in some way, but as a student I lack the time to
go to Nepal and volunteer(until maybe after I graduate). How can I fit in
this organization and help Nepal?"
Here are some queries and suggestions:
I. About the name InfoNepal Foundation:
Q. Why Info? Is there a better name? Can this be simply NEPAL
FOUNDATION? or DEVELOPMENT FOUNDATION OF NEPAL? Let us think some
more and come up with a better name.
Q. You may need to think of a name for this group little differently so
the name expresses the group's objective itself rather than InfoNepal. If
I come up a better name I will pass it on to you.
A. I do agree that the name "EMPOWER NEPAL INTERNATIONAL FOUNDATION" is
bit clumsy. I do like the acronym "InfoNepal" because it signifies the
information revolution that Nepal and the world is going through. The
whole idea of the foundation is to sieve and transmit valuable
information and resources to Nepal. I believe that salvation of
landlocked Nepal lies in its agressive entry into the "information super
highway". How about simply, "InfoNepal Foundation"? Please come forward
with some more alternative names.
II. About mission activities:
Q. Is objective # 4 appropriate for such a foundation?
A. Objective number #4 deals with providing information for foundation
members to invest in Nepal. One of the principles that I would like to
state that InfoNepal should not hand out any money for charity and
disaster relief. The only way to encourage economic growth is to promote
investments in Nepal. It could be in any sector, be it in education,
health, energy, transportation, tourism, value added agriculture,
forestry, information technology, distribution of goods and services, recycling of urban waste, urban housing, music, cottage industry, and so on. This would be one of the best ways to encourage semi-retired or retired expatriates to relocate in Nepal.
Q. Do you feel that we need to add a word "democracy or democratic
society" in objective 7 or objective 8 ? I feel it is important to have
it added in one of the objectives. We need to be careful, however, not to
make any political affiliation with the use of such wording.
A. I agree that we should emphasize democracy and promotion of basic human
rights with equality of race, sex, caste, religion, and ethnicity.
However, words do not matter much unless we practice these principles
inside the proposed InfoNepal organization. Let us first demonstrate
these principles ourselves. Any comments?
III. About the proposed organization:
Q. I did not understand the concepts of Chapters? Why do we need Chapters?
I understand that it will be a Foundation, with its head office in USA
for the reasons of fund raising, board of trustee representations, etc.
It will have a field office in Nepal, probably Kathmandu.
A. The chapters are extensions of my dream to have a foundation with global
scope. Expatriate Nepalese and friends of Nepal live all around the
world. Once we get this organization going in the USA, we can provide
organizational guidance to open similar foundations (either independent
or affiliated with InfoNepal USA) in other countries including Nepal.
IV. About financial matters
Q. We may need to add a couple paragraph description on how this
Foundation will solicit/accept gifts and/or grants. How the resources
will be utilized to fund the activities under each objectives. Is it
through direct implementation of activities through foundation staff? or
the foundation makes grants to institutions and individuals? This need to
be discussed and may be you can put it towards the end of this proposal.
A. I am currently reading the rules and regulations regarding the
incorporation in various states of the US. Along with a revised charter
draft, I also plan to write up bylaws of the foundation. Hopefully, some
of the queries raised above will be answered by this. I would appreciate
help from any friends who knows the legal and fiscal stuff.
V. Other questions and comments
Q. What are your immediate agendas apart from registering the foundation?
A. Informing more people about the foundation and getting inputs from as
many of you as I can. We can not solicit funds and start our activities
until we get legally incorporated as a nonprofit organization. I am
expecting that it would take about six to 12 months to get InfoNepal
Q. Have you read about Nepal Concern started by Kishore Ghimire who
envisions similarly? Any plans on collaboration? Any grounds not to? How
would I, an average-informed Nepali overseas, differentiate between these
A. Yes, I read Kishore Ghimire's Nepal Concern proposal. I don't know what
Nepal Concern's activities are in Nepal. If our mission objectives
match, there is no reason why we can not collaborate in Nepal. So far as
Nepal Concern USA's proposed activities are concerned, the energy and
information flow is in a different direction than what is proposed for
InfoNepal. May be you should be the judge of that:
###### Proposed Activities of Nepal Concern (U.S.A.).
1. Conduct literacy campaign and language course program for Nepalese
language in U.S.A..
2. Established some loan fund with no interest for students studying in U.S.A.
3. Establish some help-fund to college/school going students in Nepal.
4. Enhance children foster programs in Nepal.
5. Decide current and relevant issues and conduct talk programs, group
discussions and awareness campaign programs.
6. Publish books, pamphlets and booklets to enhance the greater goal of
7. Conduct Nepal festival in U.S.A. displaying all aspects of Nepalese culture.
8. Conduct free general medical check-up camps in U.S. for members and friends.
9. Conduct U.S. festival in Nepal collaboration with Nepal Concern
International to display all aspect of American life in Nepal.
10. Conduct visitor exchange program for various professionals and
non-professionals within U.S.A. and around the world with low cost
or no cost sharing basis what ever will be possible.
11. After deciding about the feasibility, maintain here in U.S.A. an
electronicinformation media with world-wide network of Nepal Concern. The media will consists of information regarding trade and commerce, tourism, education, health, research, communication, electronic dialing and mailing for members, and also all other aspects of the society. 12. .........................................(please suggest if you have any more in your mind).
VI. Some more very thoughtful comments:
"In my opinion, cornerstone InfoNepal should be based on is "personal
responsibility". We can blame the leaders all we want. BUT did we reach the
state we did just because of the leaders? I don't believe so. People can
and should be able to grow inspite of the what the leaders do. Whatever
help InfoNepal is providing should not be in the form of freebies. People
should make effort to get it. Responsibility should be regarded as
important requirement. The reason why the foreign aid programs have not
been effective is because they have not incorporated this very important
aspect in their implementation. Result: more instead of less dependency.
Gandhi and Mother Teresa said "we are giving fish to people to stand"
however people have to put forth an effort or have intention to stand. I
think this has to be incorporated in the charter of InfoNepal. I know this
is easier said than done but I think that is the reality of the fact.
The paragraph about the political situation in the country is kind of
depressing. The political situation of the country is "a stinking swamp"
sends a chill down my spine. This is the only negative part of the
document. I am bitter about the political situation too. However, I think
it should not reflect in the document. We can convey the same message in a
One of the things I believe we need to be a country where we do not need
extraordinary leaders. We need to be a country where ordinary leaders can
do extraordinary things. For that to happen, we need to have an educated
populace. Where are we in that front? Almost 30 percent of the children
don't even go to school now. That alone will be a huge setback for Nepal's
future development efforts. I have been reading in the The Kathmandu Post
about the practices of the political parties to hire the teachers of their
parties, 150 total school days when normally it should have been 250, etc.
Universities are not even fit to be called Universities.
What I am really trying to say here is that we need to make the charter of
InfoNepal brief and to the point. We cannot do all the things we want to
due to resource constraints. I am totally for increase the intercultural
harmony too. However, we cannot do all the things at the same time. So, in
my opinion, we need to prioritize certain things which we believe are
really crucial; and, go all out in that direction. If we have too many
goals, our resources will be diluted in different projects and this in turn
will result in us not being able to make a significant impact in any field.
So, what I suggest, is that let's make a few (may be even one) priorities.
With success we can expand into more fields. I strongly agree with your
treatments of education (both adult and children) as one of the
My response: Thank you for these valuable comments. I realize that the
first draft is very negative in its proposition. But we have to swallow
the bitter pill to get better. I am currently working on the second draft
of the charter of INFONEPAL FOUNDATION, and hopefully, will present a
positive outlook with a set of priorities. In the meantime, I would urge
others to think about a better draft of INFONEPAL Foundation.
How can you help InfoNepal now?
We are at the awareness stage of this project which has the potential to
grow into a very vibrant organization for decades to come. To all Nepal
lovers who feel like saying something (be positive, skeptical, or
indifferent) about this InfoNepal idea, please express yourselves in the
Nepal Digest and Socio Culture Nepal discussions. Your `dui sabda' will be
a thousand words for me. If you write and disseminate the words in the TND
or SOC, it will be a great help to increase the awareness and make it a
The succeeding drafts of InfoNepal will be available for your review at
Rajendra Shrestha's NEPAL HOME PAGE under DEVELOPMENT AND ENVIRONMENT
window (//www.cen. uiuc.edu/~rshresth/develp.html ). If you don't have a
WEB Browser and would like to get a copy of the draft just leave me a note
at the following address. And for any other reasons, please feel free to
contact me about this project.
Dr. Padam Prasad Sharma
812 West Divide Avenue
Bismarck, ND 58501, USA.
Phone: 701-667-3050 (office) 701-258-2066 (home) 701-667-1811 (fax)
Date: Sun, 26 Nov 1995 23:22:21 -0500 (EST)
Forwarded By: firstname.lastname@example.org
Subject: nov25_editorial.html (fwd)
To: THE NEPAL DIGEST <NEPAL@cs.niu.edu>
Source: KTM Post
CAUGHT IN A CROSS-FIRE
The NC-led coalition has once again effected transfers and postings of
Chief District Officers (CDOs) in 26 districts. This is the third such
sweeping bureaucratic shake-up ordered by the oddball coalition after
assuming office in the second week of September. In fact, there is
nothing new about the whole process. The majority Congress government
did it, and the term Congressikaran (of the bureaucracy) gained
currency. The main opposition UML, which coined it also gained
political mileage out of it. Then the minority UML government,
impatient as it was to give its arch-rival a taste of its own
medicine, thought it wise to undo all that its predecessor had done,
and much more. Foul ! shouted the Congress camp and they christened it
Emalekaran. Down came the first ever communist government in the
country. Now the clock has gone one complete cycle and it is again
Congress_s turn to turn the tables on the communists. But with a
difference. With disparate partners all having a stake in the
coalition ship the bargain now centres on whose men should get how
As those at the helm consolidate their positions, and as the
opposition quietly war-games a comeback strategy the _exposed_
bureaucrat finds himself caught in a cross-fire. So it has been and
perhaps so shall it be unless, of course, politicians, both the
budding and the seasoned varieties, make it a cardinal point to
promise only what they can deliver. It was just over two months ago
that Prime Minister Deuba had assured the nation that the government
he heads would not tamper with the administrative machinery. The
people did take him for what he said as they invariably tend to do
when new faces replace old, discredited ones. For, people_s
disillusionment with the status quo often leads to a change of
government, which in turn raises their expectations. The nation did
not, however, have to wait long to see him go back on his word.
The argument put forward to buttress the government_s move is that it
is simply trying to correct anomalies in the system itself and that
the changes should not be viewed as being politically motivated. There
may be some justification for the government_s action as there will
always be. But if the coalition partners did not have an axe to grind,
the axe would not have fallen so indiscriminately. Also, granted that
in all democracies when the new administration moves in there is
always the entourage of would-be political appointees trailing behind,
but its strength is more or less fixed. Not here. What is perhaps
needed to correct this anomaly is a set of guidelines that designate
certain posts in the administration as _political_ so that whenever
there is a change of guard everybody knows who is going out and who is
------------ Here is an example of how traditional Hindu values of patriarchy can survive embedded in a Jeffersonian modern constitution of Nepal.
PROPERTY RIGHTS: RIGHT OR WRONG
By Neeta Maskey
he inconsistancies in the Nepalese legal system that favoured men and
had never been legally questioned. Until, Meera Dhungana and Meera
Khanal filed a case against discriminatory laws concerning property
rights as being unconstitutional at the Supreme Court recently .
The case was a bold move towards the amendment of laws which
discriminated against women. However, many conservatives considered
the case too radical a step and believed it would dismantle
traditional Nepalese social structure.
The case brought to fore the existing unjust, impractical legal
provisions that were valid strictly because of deep-rooted orthodox
religious and cultural tenets, despite their being contradictory to
The innumerable laws concerning property rights that uphold male
supremacy contradict Article 11 of the constitution that provides the
right to equality under no discrimination of religion, race, sex,
caste, tribe or ideological conviction. For example, the son is
entitled to ancestral property the moment he is born; but, the
daughter receives a share of it only after she reaches the age of
thirty-five and only if she remains single her entire life. If she
does get married after thiry-five years of age, she must give it all
back to her natal family.
In addition to these restrictions, No 2 of the chapter on womens
property of the Muluki Ain forbids her from independent use of her
share of property she needs the approval of her father to sell it if
she is unmarried, of her husband if she is married, and of her son if
she is a widow. There are many more laws that trap women, leaving them
helpless dependent on male members of their families throughout their
lives. For example, a man who wants to separate from his wife can seek
a divorce by agreeing to pay her alimony for five years or until she
The alimony she would get, however, is limited to a vague term
mentioned in the constitution that amounts to a meagre sum hardly
enough for the day to day sustenance, says Shanta Thapaliya of Legal
Aid and Consultancy Centre (LACC). If the wife in such a case is
economically dependent, then she is totally at the mercy of her
estranged husband. In most cases, women usually are economically
dependent, says Thapaliya, and, it is the law that has made them so.
The faulty legal system carries a heavy portion of the blame for
divesting women of their self-esteem and letting men get away with
Polygamy, for instance, is prohibited and punishable by law. But, the
punishment is only a two-month imprisonment and a fine upto Rs 1000.
Moreover, the law does not invalidate the second marriage. Such
loopholes in our legal system have helped aggravate the violence
against and subjugation of women in our society, says Thapaliya. The
present legal system does not give equal protection to men and women.
But, not all constitutional provisions consider men more worthy than
women. The sub-article (3) under Article 11 of the constitution grants
exclusive provisions for the protection and advancement of women. It
is these specific provisions that we as women must demand and make use
of, until we become as economically independent as men are, says
Indira Rana of the Judicial Council. Only then will women be able to
seek equal legal justice.
Citing her own struggle for property rights that has become a bitter
family feud, Rana adds that women must be granted property rights so
that they can have an indentity of their own and be economically
strong to defend themselves against legal injustice.
After all, only those who have money can seek legal justice, she says.
But, Rana - a successful lawyer by profession - wonders about the fate
of the less fortunate women who are in worse situations. I have not
been able to win any property in all these years; I can very well
imagine what the situation is like for others, says Rana. She
considers her personal struggle for property rights a challenge for
all Nepalese women who have been deprived of equal rights in all
spheres of life.
The struggle for equality between men and women, however, seems
neverending - especially, the struggle for equal access to property
rights; people are more apprehensive about the negative consequences
that equal access to property may bring in the family.
In Nepalese society, the inheritance of property is equivalent to
social security. Male members of the family are expected to look after
their aging parents as they are the sole recipients of their familial
property. But, the moment girls are also entitled to a share, people
fear that there could be rifts in the family over whos duty it is to
look after the elderly.
Those who are against partition of property advocate bequeathing it
through a will.
The will system may put an end to squabbles concerning property
rights, says Rana. But, it may not ensure a woman a fair share of
property as most Nepalese, who believe in the male line of descent,
prefer sons to daughters and therefore, may give sons more.
While some say that equal rights to property might break up a marriage
or a home or family ties, others feel that it will become even more
difficult for women to get married, as the inheritance of property
will complicate a union. A womans inheritance rights could become
another form of the notorious dowry system and only women from wealthy
families will be able to get married, say those who are against giving
property rights to the girl child.
But, Thapaliya and Rana argue that a girl with fixed assets as her
share of property is much better off than a girl with dowry that is
usually squandered away by her husband and his family.
As for the fear that women from poor families will have difficulties
in getting married due to financial problems, Thapaliya and Rana say
that these problems exist even today. Such problems may continue to
exist even after property rights are granted to the girl child, but
women will be both socially and economically much more independent
then than they are now, say the women advocates with confidence.
Dismissing those who oppose equal right to property for women as
irrational people who want to hold on to male supremacy, Thapaliya and
Rana clarify that all women are asking for are rights equal to those
enjoyed by men.
This has shocked our patriarchal society, says Thapaliya. Just as the
prohibition on child marriage in 1963 shocked the conservative public,
who took a while to adjust to the new law. The furore over womens
property rights will take sometime to subside before they become
acceptable laws, assures Thapaliya.
With regard to the case filed by Dhungana and Khanal, the Supreme
Court issued a directive to His Majestys Government that within the
period of one year, they were to modify the laws concerning property
rights in Article 16 of the constitution that discriminated against
Thapaliya and Rana hope that the new ministry for women and social
welfare, if not the ministry for law and justice, will expedite the
process of amendment.
The constitution may take less time to be amended than expected, but,
a quick change in the society is not possible, says renowned
anthropologist Dor Bahadur Bista.
The laws cannot bring about any positive changes, unless social and
religious values change. Our patriarchal society is so rigid that
attaining gender equality has become a difficult task, despite Nepals
ratification of the UN Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of
Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW).
Rather than the laws, what should be changed is the societys way of
thinking, says Bista. Is Nepalese society - that gives importance to
the male line of descent and therefore, has one of the highest indices
of son preferences in the world - prepared to treat men and women
equally? I am afraid not, says Bista, for he feels our society,
deep-rooted in orthodox Hindu values or what he calls Bahunism is not
broad-minded enough to accept men and women as equals.
The poor response to Article 113/114 and Article (i) clause (b) of the
constitution is proof to his observation. These articles call for
specific provisions of at least 5 percent representation of women
candidates in any political party contesting the general election to
the House of Representatives under Article 113/114, and the
reservation of at least three seats for women in the National Assembly
(the Upper House) under Article 46 (i) clause (b).
They are being fulfilled today merely out of formality rather than out
of any sincere interest in the development and welfare of women.
Bista, however, sees the case filed against the discriminatory laws as
a positive step towards the formation of a more egalitarian society.
Disgusted with the outdated, impractical interpretation of the Vedas
handed down from generation to generation, he appeals for a healthier
social context which will allow an egalitarian society to germinate
The social mores, based on Bahunism, a practice which subjugates women
while bestowing most of the power the few men who rule, are in dire
need of a change. The transformations in the social system should hail
a new way of thinking and a new way of life that will dismantle the
conservative hierarchic society made up of different castes and
Revamping a conservative social structure like ours is not an easy
task, says Bista. Although, he believes that the case filed by
Dhungana and Khanal will definitely bring about a positive change in
society leading to the liberation of women in the long run, he says,
Social changes are a slow evolutionary process and the society needs
to be criticised time and again in order to flake open its
shortcomings, give it a better shape and lead it towards a better
future for the generations to come.
Only when our social system is ameliorated to suit the changing times,
will there be a possibility for women and men to be treated as equals.
OFF THE BEAT
Seeing: Kisunji And We
Now I can see proclaimed the affable NC leader after his high profile,
publicity- packed eye treatment. While were glad that Kisunjis eye
ailment has been cured, here are a few things he missed, and we could
see during his absence.
* We could clearly recall the innumerable hospitals and health posts
he inaugurated. For the common man of course, not for the likes of
* We also saw that despite the really busy schedule, our leaders are
excellent time managers when it comes to going abroad.
* It was also evident that all their advocacy of economizing
government expenses does not apply to leaders for they can freely
avail of govt. sponsorship.
Amulya's questions: I guess K. P deserved this, but what are the
rules for this privilege, or is it just the discretion of the PM? Is
this the way PM buys the supports of K.P and Ganesh Man?
The Nepali public demand to know!
* But what tops the observation list however, is the faithfulness on
the part of journalists who follow these leaders even to the point
of overlooking the fact that such operations could have been
safely conducted in Nepal itself. Kisunji dont tell me you cant
see these things.(JKG)
BLIND GAME ?
One has to be a naive, green, unseasoned, irrational, insensitive, out
of touch, or a completely blind politician in Nepal not to see the
charms that the Rastriya Prajatantra Party has acquired these recent
days. It sure came as something of a shocker when UML MP Birodh
Khatiwada showed all these qualities with a question only an ignoramus
could ask, Is Rastriya Prajatantra Party Miss Nepal or Miss World ?
Why are all parties attracted to it ?"
All this scribe can do to help resolve the mans bewilderment is advise
him to seek the answers with Madhav Kumar Nepal whose fascination for
the charms of a Rajeshwor Devkota hangs on everybodys lips. That is,
only if Khatiwada is playing blind to drive a point home or subtly
stating his own preference. (SR)
************************************************ From: Rajesh Shrestha <email@example.com> Date: Mon, 27 Nov 1995 16:36:39 -0500 (EST) To: firstname.lastname@example.org Subject: Help - Nepali Culture
Cross-posted from SCN:
Patrice Butkiewicz (GRVK97A@prodigy.com) wrote:
: Thank you ....what a wonderful aspect of Nepali culture to share. Pardon
: my ignorance regarding Hinduism and Buddhism, but I approach the problem
: from a western perspective, where everything usually has solid borders.
: It seems as if Hinduism and Buddhism current;y overlap in Nepal....and
: that "being" Hindu or Buddhist is not as straightforward as say...being
: Catholic or Methodist here in the States would be. Or is it? I know
: that Buddhism is rooted in Hinduism, but the extent of my knowledge is
: not great. I have found a Hindu temple here in southeast Michigan which
: I plan to visit so that I may learn a more about these areas. Once again.
: Thank you for your help...and tolerance of my lack of knowledge.
Buddhism was founded (or the school of thought as per Buddhism) by Siddhartha
Gautama about 2500 years ago. He was born in Lumbini area (presently in Nepal),
got the enlightenment at age of 35 and proponented his idea about "Nirvana"
or liberation for next 45 years.
The philosophies or value of life he preached at that time are quite diversified
now. The closest thing to Buddhism at time of Buddha would be Theravada Buddhism
as found nowadays in SriLanka, Thailand, and Burma.
Few centuries later (after Buddhar went to Nirvana), other sects of Buddhism
known nowadays as "Mahayana Buddhism" developed. The further diversification
from Mahayana Buddhism is Vajrayana Buddhism where all these rituals related
to worshipping of God as found in Hinduism are practiced. In fact, the theological
aspects of Vajrayani Buddhists are similar to those of Hindus or Christians.
The Vajrayani Buddhists believe in a Heavenly Buddha. In fact they treat Hindu
gods as BoddhiSattwas who will later become Buddha. The Boddhisattwas will
help the world and other creatures in misery until his time of enlightenment
In the Vajrayani Buddhism practiced in Nepal, the mix up between Hinduism and
Buddhist rituals are profound. The detail is beyound the scope of this writing,
if you are interested, you are requested to refer to books about History of
Buddhism which can be found in many libraries.
The word "Hinduism" perhaps was not even there at the time of Buddha. At that
time, the "Vedic" rituals were followed (although a major basis of Hinduism
is Vedas as well). The only relationship between Buddhism and Hinduism is
that Buddha was born and grew up at area and time where "Vedic" rituals
were profoundly followed. Other that that, Buddhism has nothing to do with
Hinduism. The Buddha's teachings are entirely independent of any school of
thought found or practiced at that time. Therefore Buddhism is not rooted
Perhaps you can find some free time to study about Buddhism and decide by
Raju Tuladhar (email@example.com)
Date: Mon, 27 Nov 1995 16:41:15 -0500 (EST)
Subject: Advice on Nepal travel
Cross-posted from SCN:
firstname.lastname@example.org (MurlanJ) wrote:
>My wife and I are in the early stages of planning a Nepal trip. We would
>appreciate advice on: when to travel, best tour guides, expenses, personal
>experiences, etc. Thank you.
That is an extraordinarily broad request; it is like asking " we are planning to buy a computer; what kind should we get?
What are you going to Nepal for? Do you want to trek? Do you want
to soak up the culture? Which culture? Do you want to see a lot of
animals? Do you want to see religious sites? Do you want to see
famous places (Namche Bazar, Muktinath, etc) or do you want to get to
places without lots of other visitors? How much time do you want to
There are lots of books to help you think about these things; my
favorites (after 6 trips; about to lead another this Spring) are David
Reed's Nepal: the Rough Guide (Penguin, 1993) and Stephen Bezruchka's
Guide to Trekking in Nepal (The Mountaineers, 1981 and more recently
in later editions).
Date: Mon, 27 Nov 1995 16:42:18 -0500 (EST)
Subject: Left Out Right Industry by Ashutosh
From: email@example.com (Sunil Shakya)
Left out Right Industry
By Ashutosh Tiwari
Taken from SPOTLIGHT magazine, March 11, '94
Such is the result of taking each table of data too seriously. You see
the trees, count them all right, but neglect to mention the forest. A
case in point is the recently released Industrial Survey.
Juggling numbers from 1992/93, the Central Bureau of Statistic
of Nepal (CBS) reported that there are 4271 "industrial units" in Nepal.
And that altogether these units, each boasting 10 or more workers, allow over 200,000 Nepalis earn their "dal-bhat-tarkari". Especially notable, the CBS went on, were carpet and garment industries, both of which continue to generate most revenue and employ many people.
This is all splendid indeed. But driven by an accountant's
notion of what an industry is, the CBS sleuths forgot to look into that
mother of all Nepali industries. The one that literally operates 24
hours a day, seven days a week. The one that provides jobs- both full
and part-time - to the largest chunk of Nepal's otherwise unemployed (or
employed) citizens: Politics.
How can Nepali politics, with all its promises, passions,
policies, pomposities and pretenses, be just another industry bigger
than that of beer, trekking and airlines combined? Good question; but
let's stick to the mode of explanation that comes naturally to those who
speak a politician's lingo
In other words, instead of flinging econometrics to prove how
politics is an industry unto itself, let's discern, ever so subtly, how
it could well be so. After all, it's only through intuition that we
can see Nepali politics in its raw, naked self: Not a noble pursuit to
set Nepal straight, as some would think, but a lumbering entity with all
the trappings of a textbook case of industry. Here's how.
An industry needs capital. Grants, loans and commissions
pouring in as "phoren"-aid are the capital of Nepali politics. And it's
no surprise that much of that money gets invested to keep many
high-powered bureaucratic and not-so-official machineries well-greased.
Arun III was controversial, partly because not all in the industry were
one about how and in whose pockets should those free millions be
An industry needs cheap labor. No problem; much of the
blue-collar brawn, if you will, bustles into Nepali politics through
half-starving TU "student-dadas" whose off-campus job is to send the
rush-hour traffic topsy-turvy by spinning julus after julus. But they
are the ones, the "future leaders of Nepal," on whom their parties rely
to put up banners, posters and graffiti on Surendra's window, your wall
and my door.
An industry needs white-collar workforce. An assorted mix of
"Phd-babus" and self-declared "buddhijibis" make up this industrial
"chautari" abuzz with deep, philosophical thoughts. Publishing articles that deliver a "this should happen" and "that should happen" variety of safe and stale rhetoric, these writers comprise the "next generation" for whom juicy appointments toll. But lording over them are their managers - senile, quibbling "netas" who command reverence more for their old age and past sacrifices than for present wisdom and long-term vision. With ideas on loan from Marx, Kim III Sung, Nehru and India of
the 1950s, these "national leaders" now want - overtly and covertly - you and me, the citizens to pay them dividends for all the time they had spent in various jails on our behalf!
Such "masala" of capital, labor and management hasn't gone
unnoticed by the Nepali press. In fact, so entranced by various
political shenanigans have our journalists become that reading their
daily reports you'd think that not much besides politics happened in the
lives of 20 million Nepalis. For that reason, the industry of politics
has become, in these times of open-economy, the most "open" of all
industries: All its highs and lows, profits and losses, tricks and
strategies, and winners and losers are for all to read -- and speculate
-- in detail.
Still, the question remains: How has this industry - an
oligopoly that had risen from the ashes of a monopoly - charmed so many
of us of its alleged importance ? Two reasons come to mind.
First, as their loyal, even if confused, customer, they have us-
nice members of public - who like to complain more, and do little.
Second, the industry is clever, very clever, at seducing us with a
product that few in this Shangri-La can resist: Dreams.
Dreams, that their activities, especially the one carried out in
Kathamndu, is actually for the betterment of each and every Nepali.
Dreams, that yesterday's revolutionaries make effective leaders today.
And dreams, that all would be well, if only we took part in their
rallies, sloganeering and ideological warfares. You and I believe this
drivel because there is little else for us to believe.
Too bad that the Central Bureau of Statistics was
Date: Mon, 27 Nov 1995 16:46:01 -0500 (EST)
From: Nirmal Ghimirez <NGH42799Q236@DAFFY.MILLERSV.EDU>
The recent article written by Ojawsee did give us a chance to see a
women's view.I do agree with many things that she says.
The problem I have is how is freedom really expressed? What is freedom
exactly? Does it vary from culture to culture?
But why does she think that housewife is passivity?
I think the choice should be given for every individual, and the decison is
her's. Isn't this largely related due to the fact that we are a developing
country.It could be that women do have freedom but it does not look like the
west. For example there are many women who work as waitress, cook and baby
sitters in this country. She does that as part of her work.
Now, if we look at our average class family women. Many stay in home and
do the cooking and help their household. It is just that they are not being
paid for it and they are doing it on thier own. Many do it because they like it
and many have a different philosophy from the west.
But,however if someone is forced to do all these work despite her wanting then
ofcourse I would say that is wrong. But if someone chooses this and likes it
then I think it is perfectly okay. It boils down to how you feel and what the
Another point I am trying to say is housewife is not a simple word or a simple
task. I have the greatest respect for that position. They infact do more work
than a lady does in a office. But the differnce is they do it for the family
and love it. I am not at all encouraging that many should be housewives
but am saying that housewife itself is a great and respected position.
And it depends on social value and family tradition. I know many families in
Nepal who are housewifes, although they have a high education.
In many cases it was chosen by themselves. I do agree that there should be
freedom for women and women and men are equal. But I wanted to make sure that
people should not think that housewifes are not educated or not free or not
Other point is how many children in the West have been deprived of thieir
mother's love? For in many cases there is a less contat between mother and the
She has to go to work and she leaves the child with the baby sitter and
comes home and has few time with her.That does not mean that she does not
love her children(Afterall how can a mother not love her child)?
So there are both plus and minus in both sides.
I fully support the view and I know that many would saying the women's
condition in Nepal has to be improved.
But we must also understand that the Western civilization does not mean
development? Copying the west does not mean development? What is freedom to
one may not apply to others. The awareness must come within ourself then only
we really become free.Freedom in itself has a very big meaning.
Ofcouse not only women but all opressed , abused, ignored individual should be
given a better and equal chance.
So the question still arises what is freedom? Is working as a clerk or a
minister a freedom and helping your family to raise your children not freedom/
The notion of freedom is giving one a choice , that one has a free will.
But if there are many who believe in determinism and nt free will are they not
free. If one is satisfied with what she is doing is she free?
But one truth is certain that women have not been given equal opportunity
in Nepal but the positive point is slowly it is going up. All men and women
must encourage this issue and move forward.But not my western influence but by
preserving our values and by changing them according to time.
It is surprising that notion of freedom seems to be more with women in South
east Asia then in the West.
Except Margaret Thatcher how many leading lady figures are there in politics?
But there have been quite a mnay in SA.
I wish government would provide and give better opportunity to women
so that we may have more Parijaat and many more leading women in our
Motherland.This is just a minute thought from a small part of a neuron.
Date: Mon, 27 Nov 1995 16:50:20 -0500 (EST)
Subject: The Cat In Your Armpit by Manjushree
What follows is an amusing piece by Manjushree Thapa. Manjushree is the
author of "Mustang Bhot In fragments", an autobiographical travelogue
set in Mustang. She is currently working on a novel in Kathmandu.
The Cat In Your Armpit
By Manjushree Thapa
"He is walking around with a dead cat clutched in his armpit, " some
Nepalis are given to saying . I cannot even imagine what they mean.
All I can decipher, from the tone in which this is said, is that walking
around with a dead cat clutched in one's armpits is not a happy thing to
be doing. But I don't know exactly what the expression means and I
worry that I may be frittering away my life doing exactly this.
After some research, I found out that no one knows what this
expression means either. Of the people I have asked, one said: "Anyone
who does something like that must be terribly depressed." This sounded
plausible. But another person said the expression described a dolt or a
dimwit; did I know, she asked, anyone smart who did things like that ?
I don't think I do, but you never know what people are up to in their
Yet another person said, "Shouldn't that be: walking around with
a dead cat clutched under his armpits, asking directions to Thimi?"
This seemed unlikely, since asking directions to Thimi is bad enough
without a dead cat in tow. The last person I bothered to ask snarled
back, "Are you trying to tell me something?" After that , I dared not
continue my research.
Most Nepali proverbs are not like this. They sparkle with
innuendoes, flash with wit, hit at hard truths, cut to the core, speak
to the occasion, strike at the heart, size up the situation, and much,
Take: "Parents' hearts are set on their children; children's
hearts are set on rocks and logs." Which Nepali child hasn't suffered
that one? Their parents know, too well, that this proverb, if delivered
with the right tone at exactly the right moment, has the power to saddle
their children with guilt, silence their protestations, and cower them
into submission; so the least hint of rebellion against a mother's plea
to come on time, eat well, and wear warm enough clothes, or against a
father's pleas to study well, work hard, become a national leader, is
cemented with this proverb.
And the problem with proverbs is, you can't argue back. Cute,
cutting statements can only be countered with cuter and more cutting
statements, and blabbering on about how filial love has no connection to
whether or not one wears warm clothes or, for that matter, achieves
success in life, will get you absolutely nowhere. This is why
innumerable heated arguments grind to a halt after one person says
something like: "The fish that escapes is always bigger!" ("No it
isn't. And even if it were, that's not my point. What I mean to say
is..." just doesn't suffice; the proverb-wielder always wins the
There must be a few highly erudite, extremely glib, and
proverb-wise well-versed families in which a parent's frustrated cry of:
"Will you never reform? A dog's tail doesn't straighten even after twelve years in a pipe," is immediately countered by the children with:
"We should send our two days of life laughing and playing. But rest assured, in your old age, you won't have to carry your own sack on your shoulders despite having bred twelve sons and thirteen grandsons."
Parent: "So you say. But there's Ram-Ram on your lips and a
dagger in your pocket."
Child: "I am not that kind of person. And stop using proverbs
to prove your point. You know well that conversations and canals go
wherever you lead them. But more to the point, it's tough to respond to
Mine was not that kind of family. In my family, proverbs were
executed solely by authority figures to swiftly, efficiently crush one
or another childish mutiny.
"Your knowledge is like a monkey's tail: neither a walking stick
nor a weapon," elders told me when, at the age of ten, I spouted fancy
theories about why life was the way it was. At twelve, when I expressed
my angst about nuclear bomb proliferation and voiced my urgent need to
discover the meaning of life, they said, "You'll never find it, so don't
even try; no use asking the name of a village you're not going to." At
fourteen, when I announced that I was contemplating becoming a
philosopher, they screamed, "Become a philosopher, with cow dung in your
head! You'd better set your sights lower, or you'll die ogling the fruit
in the sky."
Some of these expressions are eminently untranslatable, but you
get their drift. I did, too, and remained silent for lack of an
adequately biting response. But it was with a whole new level of
bafflement I stayed quiet when an authority figure told me, "You must
stop walking around with a dead cat clutched under your armpit."
I wish someone would teach me what this means, or at least how I
should respond to it.
Date: Mon, 27 Nov 1995 16:51:43 -0500 (EST)
Subject: The Cat In Your Armpit by Manjushree
Cross-posted from SCN:
I don't know about dead cats in the arm pits, but you may be interested in
another dead cat saying. this one is American.
In the stock market you see a stock going down, you think it has reached
the bottom as you see it going back up, so you buy it and watch it turn
around to continue on its way further down. You are said to have bought
the stock on a 'dead cat bounce', ie if it had been a cat that was alive
it would have kept going up, but since it was dead it just hit the
ground, bounced up and then fell back to earth.
Date: Mon, 27 Nov 1995 16:52:48 -0500 (EST)
Subject: Trade in South Asia
Fears over flood of Indian goods
>From Our Special Correspondent
NEW DELHI, Nov. 17.
Pakistan is worried about Indian products flooding the
country while Bangladesh and Sri Lanka are concerned about their
larger neighbour's ban on consumer goods imports and the
bureaucratic import-export procedures. These are the real and
psychological hurdles impeding the growth of the South Asian
Preferential Trading Arrangement (SAPTA).
In an informal chat with this correspondent, the Pakistan
Commerce Secretary, Mr. Salman Faruqui said the business
community in his country fears that Indian products will overrun
the market to the detriment of local manufacturers. He felt this
is one of the basic apprehensions preventing his country from
giving MFN status to India.
He pointed out that parallels are even being drawn to the
entry of the East India Company. Thus, considerable reassurance
is needed on this score. He was of the view this is possible only
by exchange of business visits and dialogues between
industrialists on both sides.
Regarding the large informal trade between India and
Pakistan, he underlined the need for making the provisions about
country of origin more specific and stringent in SAPTA. As for
trade with Bangladesh, the chairman of the Bangladesh Tariff
Commission, Mr. Abdul Hamid Chowdhury, declared robustly, ``we
don't have informal trade, India has informal trade (with us).''
Mr. Chowdhury pointed out that though India is giving
tariff concessions, these are only on a selective basis.
Bangladesh has already liberalised its trade policies much
further and is allowing consumer goods import. ``We have
Haldiram's namkeen in our country but you do not allow us to
export consumer goods to your country,'' he said.
He was also impatient about the slow movement in SAPTA
towards a free trade area and pointed out that APEC is already
talking about zero tariffs.
The Sri Lankan Commerce Secretary, Mr. N. V. K. K.
Weragoda, also felt there is a lack of complementarity with
India's trade policy as others in the region have been
liberalising faster. He was equally disturbed at the excess
bureaucracy in import-export procedures in this country which was
affecting export of commodities like cloves from Sri Lanka.
Though India has reduced the import duty, he said informal trade p73
is continuing because of excess red tape which makes formal
exports difficult for Sri Lankan cloves producers.
One point made by all the three officials is that India
can easily relax tariffs and non-tariff barriers for imports from
SAARC countries as it will not lead to much of revenue loss and
can earn it tremendous goodwill in the region. As Mr. Chowdhury
observed, his country like others in the region does not yet have
the capacity to meet the needs of the huge Indian market.
****************************************** Date: Mon, 27 Nov 1995 16:53:52 -0500 (EST) To: firstname.lastname@example.org Subject: Courses They Can't Teach You At The HBS By Ashutosh From: email@example.com (Sunil Shakya)
Courses They Can't Teach You At The Harvard Business School
By Ashutosh Tiwari
I am a big fan of my friend of Rajaram. Just back from Boston with an
MBA from Harvard, Rajaram is a living, breathing example of a young
nationalist's coming back to this communist country to use his
capitalist training to fly the "Afno Nepal Aafai Banau" program to the
"I am going to open up a business school," Rajaram informed me
over chicken chowmein and Tuborg. "Not just any business school. But
the business school of the South Asia ... the one with the best
all-around curriculum to train the best and the brightest Nepalis to
make as much money as then can."
Well, well, well. How could you possibly disarm such charm? No
way, right? So, wide-eyed, I kept on chewing the rubbery noodles.
"You see, I have two problems with top American MBA programs,"
Rajaram continued. "First, they are only good at cranking out graduates
to take charge of the IBM, Kraft, Proctor & Gamble and other big Fortune
500 companies. What this means is that our won Gorkhali students in the
US never get to practice how to run and profit from Nepal-compatible
businesses that can only bloom in our kind of economy.
"And the other problem is that so widely has the generic
American MBA model been copied, even at other Nepali universities, that
there isn't much room to teach and learn native skills that are more
necessary to profit from a business... any business... in Nepal."
From "a Hahvahd graduate" throwing ma free dinner at Nanglo, all
this sounded impressive indeed. But exactly what kind of skills was
Rajaram talking about? And how would his business school teach them?
"Well, let me not bore you with abstract ideas," smiled Rajaram.
"Here, why don't you look at something concrete?"
With that, Rajaram clicked open his briefcase on the table, and
took out a blue folder. He pulled out a few sheets and pushed them
forward. I had no choice now but to put down my fork and pick up the
neat, laser-printed pages.
"To earn an MBA at the Rajaram Business School (RBS), you must
give an up-front donation of Rs. one lakh, exclusive of tuition and
other fees, to the institution," read the first page.
On page two was: "The faculty and the staff of the RBS
forcefully recommend that RBS MBA candidates take all of the following
courses, each of which has been carefully designed to teach only the
necessary professional skills that they are most likely to make use of
in the big, wide world of Nepali finance, commerce and business.
Case-studies have shown that the lessons learnt in these curses can also
be applied in Bihar for equally lucrative results."
So far so good. Now on to the names, numbers and the
descriptions of the "challenging courses."
Finance 420 -- An Introduction to Black Marketing:
Just as a fish needs water, a Nepali businessman dreaming of profits needs black markets to survive. Finance 420 will sharpen your skills to evade the formal bureaucratic market to buy and sell dollars, movie-tickets, sugar and all kinds of commodities. Learn ways to smuggle gold and export ancient and neglected idols. Master 101 ways to charm the police and seduce the customs officers to bend the laws and the rules in your favor.
Management 530 -- Fundamentals of Cartels and Monopolies:
Why share your wealth with others? Through Management 530, learn how to get together with your alleged competitors to form a cushy all-Nepal association of your trade. This makes it easier for you to fix prices and devise ways to deter newcomers from entering your industry. See how you can pass on your costs to the consumers by driving up the prices and thereby capturing huge producers' surplus. Discover ways of killing anti-trust bills, and learn to protect your expanding millions and comfy monopolies.
Science 150 -- Physics and Chemistry for Business:
Science 150 will teach you to mishandle the weights, the measurements and the "taraju" to your ultimate profit. Get paid for one KG of rice when you sell only 950 grams; collect money for one liter of kerosene when you give out only 900 ml. Also, get solid grip on the 101 ways to throw in all kinds of impurities in various kinds of food and sell them all as "taja, suddha" stuff.
Sociology 290 -- Doing the Afno manche Thing:
In Nepal, nothing gets done without an "afno Manche." That sums up the best-selling insight of Dor Bahadur Bista. Sociology 290 will train you to you apply Bista's theory by teaching you ways to cultivate the afno-manche network by personal visits, flattery, gifts, favors, bribes, threats and "chakari". Learn how to win friends and influence people in all the right places -- from the political parties to golf clubs, from the HMG bureaucracies to the airort. After all, the more afno manche you have, the more insider information you will have. And the more insider information you have, the more rapidly your business will grow.
Marketing 101 -- Giving Hell to the Customers:
Remember, the customer is there to serve you; you are not there to serve the customer. As such, figure out ways to prey on that vulnerable, believing-everything and never protesting idiot called the Nepali customer. Find out how to sell foodstuff such as biscuits that carry no date of manufacture, no date of expiry, and no mention of ingredients and other mis- and missing information. Learn how to hoard scarce commodities now to sell later for huge profits. Also, practice the fine art of humiliating Nepali customers by honestly telling them,
"Janoos, janoos, you don't have the money to buy this." For foreign-looking patrons, however, learn to bend over backward to provide special service.
Economics 230 -- Policy-making for profit:
Learn to fight against copy-right and patent bills. Imitate and steal other people's products, goods, ideas and styles without paying them any fees. Learn to say "no" to quality, customer service and reliability. Get the inside tips on how to produce quality goods only for export, while dumping shoddier products on the general Nepali public. Master ways to manipulate the inside info on various shares. And be well-versed in ways you can influence the government, any government, to help you get away with the least of taxes.
Political Science 350 -- Entrepreneurship in Infant Democracy:
Not many people know that Nepal's democracy has opened up lots of opportunities for business. Learn, for example, how to run the highly profitable "julus for hire" business. Find out how the lazy days of Nepal Bandh can be turned into busy days of business by hand-delivering video cassettes, Paplu cards, beer and "sekuwa" to Kathmandu's newly-rich. Discover ways to win the contract to supply
"paan" to Kishunji for life; and beer, whisky and cigarettes to other political leaders who spend all their waking hours thinking of ways to make Nepal as developed as Singapore.
Int'l Relations 310 -- India : So Close Yet So Far:
The main "mantra" of Nepali businessman should be "Nepal India, Bhai Bhai". IR 310 will teach you how to buy goods in India and sell them in Kathmandu as "Made in Nepal." Not only that, you will also invent ways to open up more supermarkets that sell consumer goods to Indian tourists only. Also, you will understand the ways of getting the juicy contracts for water-resource projects, road-building schemes and citizenship-distribution programs. What's more, this course will enable you to keep your mouth shut when Indian businessmen, riding vehicles with Indian license plates, dominate you right in the Nepali market.
Anthropology 201 -- The Mysteries Called Marwaris:
Why are Nepali businessmen so jealous of the Marwaris? What makes the Marwaris allegedly so successful? Explore these concerns in depth by studying the history, family newtorks, religious rituals, immigration patterns, language and the business practices of the Marwaris, Nepal's most prosperous minority. Do not just sit back and criticize them; you too can learn all their clever tactics to beat them at their own game. We at RBS guarantee that by the end of Anthro 201, you will be able to sell saris even to the Marwaris.
Religion 103 -- Desperately Seeking Protection:
Learn to run away from competition against better and stronger foreign companies that can give quality goods at lower prices to the customers. Whip up the sentiments of Nationalism, socialism and "Naulo Janabad" to raise tariffs on imports. The idea behind seeking protection is that when you block competition from outside yet are free to create internal monopolies, you are all set to make millions from idiotic Nepalis who have no choice but to buy your products at prices you dictate.
Ethics 175 -- The Brighter Side of Child Labor:
For the purpose of sponsoring NGO conferences once in a while, Ethics 175 will teach you to be against child labor in theory. But come on, who are we kidding? In practice, you will all be for it. Children, after all , are too tempting a source of unused labor: They eat less, take up little space, are easy to train, don't need pension and health benefits, can be yelled at, and don't hit back when slapped and beaten. All these make their services cheaper and easily replaceable. In this course, you will learn to justify child labor as a self-less act of social service: Think, for example, if you don't hire the child, what will his parents eat?
Talking about eating, the chowmein on my plate was already cold
by the time I finished going through Rajaram's catalog. What could I
say, except to be lost in the thought that with management gurus like
Rajaram, our beloved Nepal is well on its way to become the Banana
Republic of South Asia. After all, it's only through the efforts of
visionaries like Rajaram who act global yet think local that a few
Nepalis can get super-rich at the expense of million others. Long live
such practical management principles.
(Ash is seriously thinking of applying to the Rajaram Business School.)
Date: Mon, 27 Nov 1995 16:55:15 -0500 (EST)
Subject: Sending mail to Nepal
Cross-posted from SCN:
There was a recent posting where someone mentioned that tourists
could send mail to the U.S. Embassy for pick up by them when they got to
Nepal. An embassy friend of mine told me that this is not true. The
embassy can only clear mail and packages for diplomatic personnel.
They suggest that tourists may wish to check with the American Express office or local travel agencies for mail pickup services. The embassy cannot do this for private individuals as it is against federal regulations. They mentioned that some unfortunate women had heard this on the Internet and had sent prescription glasses to the Kathmandu embassy, which the embassy could not clear.
Date: Mon, 27 Nov 1995 16:59:26 -0500 (EST)
Subject: Searching for Canadians, Greg Dennison & Robin Cassel
Gregory Dennison and Robin Cassel went trekking on the Annapurna circuit
for a twenty-one day trek. They left on Thursday, October 26,1995 and we
have not heard from them since. The Ministry of Tourism of Nepal have not
We are unsure of the trekking company that Greg and Robin went through. It
may have been Yeti Travels, Hotel Mayalu.
If anyone has any information on the whereabouts of Gregory Dennison and
Robin Cassel please contact me.
From: Rajesh Shrestha <firstname.lastname@example.org>
Date: Mon, 27 Nov 1995 17:03:06 -0500 (EST)
Subject: Ganesh Man & National Treasury
Cross-posted from SCN:
The KTM Post carried a news couple days ago about Ganesh Man Singh's U.S.
trip for knee surgery. His family sources revealed the Post that the
medical expenses would be fully covered by the government of Nepal.
I was perplexed after reading the news. I was dumbfounded when I learnt
that the government of Nepal was not only paying the expenses of Mr.
Singh but also of the other five persons accompaying him. As a tax payer
and as a bearer of the foreign loans it is but natural for me to feel
cheated by the government and the so-called messiahs of democracy.
My sources in Nepal tell me that the Panchangress government has ordered
Nepal U.N. Mission at New York to pay all hospital bills of Mr. Singh and
all hotel bills of his five-member entourage while staying in the U.S..
The RNAC has provided them with business class tickets. In addition, the
government has given Mr. Singh US$7,000 as POCKET EXPENSE. He has already
left Nepal with US$20,000 as PESKI.
I pondered over this news for a while and thought that this trip would
cost not less than US$100,000. What justification is there for this
expense? How can we tax payers digest it? After all who is Ganesh Man?
What capacity does he carry in Nepal government? Man Mohan Adhikary, when
he was still a Prime Minister, was treated at Teaching Hospital following
the helicopter crash. Why is it necessary to parade on the bare head of
the tax payers to have Ganesh Man's knee surgery? Could not it be done at
the Teaching Hospital? Any orthopedic who might have recommended Mr.
Singh to go to the United States is insulting his own profession.
What is the secret behind all this stupid action of the government on the
one hand and shameless behavior of Ganesh Man and company, on the other?
I want the netters to explore further on this.
Nepal government's obsequious behavior towards Ganesh Man is out of
proportion. He is a senior citizen, no more, no less. Well, he was called
"Sarbamanya" during the euphemistic period of Jana Andolan. But does he still carry that title or in other words, does he deserve that title now?
I need an honest answer from the government for spending my money on
Ganesh Man's U.S. trip. Otherwise, I need its reimbursement.
I am wondering to know the reaction(s) of the netters.
Chitra K. Tiwari
Date: Mon, 27 Nov 1995 23:21:10 -0500 (EST)
Forwarded By: email@example.com
INTERVIEW OF THE FORMER SUPREME COURT JUSTICE: uPADHAYA
Note: his reactions of his decisions and his decisions of the three sons=20
Former Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Bishwa Nath Upadhayaya (65),
served the Supreme Court for 25 out of the 40 years which he devoted
to the legal field. The chief of the drafting team which prepared the
present Constitution in 1990, Upadhayaya also headed the eleven-
member jury that delivered the landmark verdict of reviving the House
of Representatives, dissolved by the first-ever communist Prime
Minister Manmohan Adhikary. Polite, extremely serious and e qually
bold, Upadhayaya talked to Hari Adhikary and Sagun S. Lawoti ofThe
Independent at his residence October 30.=20
Q. After Retirement
How Are You Passing Your Time?=20 A. My retirement was immediately
followed by Dashain and Tihar. I was busy with my kith and kin during
those festivals. Besides, my friends and well-wishers have been
regularly visiting. Being occupied with all these things I didn't have
much time to think about anything concrete as far as the future is
concerned.=20 Q. Still, you must have something in your mind as to how
you will pass your retired life. Is there any chance that you will be
devoting your time in creative work, say in writing memoirs?=20
forty years of active life, it will be very difficult for me to stay
idle. But at the outset let me make one thing clear =D1 Bishwanath won't
take up a government job, however alluring it maybe. I can't say
affirmatively right now though, what kind of activities I may take up
in the future, there is every possibility that I would be involved in
some social service or human rights projects. In case my health, you
know I am a heart patient, does not permit me to actively carry on any
such project, I will stay home and read and write.=20
Q. Stories about
your going to the US and settling down there have been doing the
rounds. Are you really up to that?=20
A. I have also heard a lot about
this. But, by no means am I settling down in the US. I will certainly
go there, but not for good. I have to go as my three sons are settled
there. My sons left the country not because they wanted but certain
situations compelled them to do so. My two medical practitioner sons
were deprived of their rightful due. The eldest one was not given the
position created specially for him in the Bir Hospital for his
outstanding performance as a junior doctor which frustrated him and he
decided to leave the country. The middle one, also a medical graduate,
was not given a job even in the remote area health centres. One more
thing, whatever my sons have achieved in the US or they were supposed
to have obtained here in this country have purely been their personal
achievements. I have not curried favour on their behalf. In America my
eldest son secured a score of 86 (out of 100) when he sat in the
Foreign Medical Graduate (FMG) test conducted by the US Medical
Q. How do you judge yourself when you look back on the long
career you successfully completed as a deliverer of justice? A
contented person or full of remorse?=20
A. I'm fully satisfied with what
I have achieved in my life. I have enjoyed total job satisfaction
throughout my career. Secret of this satisfaction, in my opinion is, I
have always been guided by strong convictions. I have never taken
decisions under pressure. I have always been true to my duty even in
the oddest of odd situations. I think I have enjoyed a bright career
in the country's legal services. I was the most sought-after officer
even in the period when I was working in a junior position. Today as a
retired person, I can feel proud that I am the only person from the
whole judiciary who has penned all major legal statutes of the nation
which have contributed a lot in solidifying the judicial system. I
took up the challenge of drafting a new civil code in 1963. I
successfully did my job in the stipulated time and incorporated a
number of pathbreaking provisions, especially related to social
Q. How do you now view the August 28 Supreme Court verdict on
HOR dissolution case, which many believe changed the course of
national politics and was a manifestation of your courage and
A. As a judge, for me there was nothing extraordinary
about the case. It was part of my routine and duty. I gave the verdict
in favour of resurrecting the HOR based on sound judicial logic. But
as the case had tremendous repercussions on the legislative system of
the country as well as on the fate of major political players, it
became the most talked about legal case of the century. I worked a lot
on the case, bestowing meticulous attention to each word of the
Q. What Impact Do You Think The Verdict Has Had On The
A. The Constitution is directed by certain guiding
principles, the most important of which is adherence to the rule of
the majority. It was exactly this power of the majority Manmohan
Adhikari chose to disobey. The Constitution has empowered the
parliament in many ways, one of which is the right to seek a no-trust
vote when the majority of the MPs believe that they do not have faith
in the executive head. In the context in question, the then PM instead
of facing the impending no-trust move mooted by the then opposition
opted to recommend House dissolution. That recommendation violated the
fundamental law of the land. Our verdict endeavoured to correct this
anomaly and sought to bring the legislature back on track. And that is
why the August 28 SC decision will have a lasting bearing on the
democratic and political process of the country.=20
Q. Would You Like To
A. What had happened was that the opposition was ready to
file a vote of no-confidence on the ground that the CPN-UML government
misused its power. Thus, a petition was filed calling for a special
parliamentary session, to which the King obliged. Continuously for 5-6
days, three notices came calling for regular and special sessions. But
to avert the session, the PM recommended the dissolution of the
House.Thus, there was a great threat of the Constitution being
derailed. Not only the Constitution, even the system itself could have
been derailed. The communist government aspired to kill the Hous when
the House itself was at no fault. This is no way a body elected by the
people should use its power. Anywhere else, if a similar situation had
occured, the PM would have faced the no-confidence motion without much
ado. It was almost as if the communists were following the dictum =D1
let's finish them as they want to finish us. But this does not go with
the spirit of the Constitution. Even the parliament can't negate the
importance of the Constitution. Now if the Constitution is amended,
the SC can again decide tomorrow if the amendments are in order.=20
Would You Call The August 28 Verdict A Historic One?=20
A. In the sense
of avoiding a constitutional derailment, you can say that it is a
historic decision. The verdict hands out some lessons such as that the
parliament should run in accordance with the majority's aspiration,
the executive and the judiciary has to safeguard the constitutional
tenets, and that a sense of responsibility at all times should be
Q. Regarding The Constitution, There Has Been Some
Accusations Against Its Efficacy. Any Comments?=20
A. You see, man
himself is full of mistakes. Even god's creations don't go without
faults. But till date, although a lot of criticisms have come saying
that the Constitution is full of loopholes and that it doesn't
function properly, nobody has tried to exactly pinpoint where the
mistakes lie. So what I see here is that only those people who didn't
like the changeover =D1 those who enjoyed the facilities bestowed by the
previous Constitution and who no longer enjoy the same =D1 its only
those few people who say it's got only faults. One RPP leader is still
saying there are thousands of mistakes. I can't go on giving examples
of this kind, there is no limit. People who don't know the ABC of the
Constitution are challenging it. How many Constitutions have these
people read? That is why I say biased opinons are coming in, okay I
agree there might be some faults, there are, even when we view it from
the lawyer's angle. Different terms have been used to denote the same
aspect. Faults can come up when drafting but not the way the
criticisms allege. May be, they may come up in practical use later
because no one knows what kind of necessities or difficulties,
problems or changes will come up in future. And that can be solved by
way of constitutional reforms as is done elsewhere. Look at India's
Constitution, about eighty amendments =D1 almost every year they occur =
have taken place. The American Constitution also goes through similar
Q. After The Verdict, A Section Of Political Forces Began
Questioning Its Credibility. What Are Your reactions?=20
A. What is
important is who did it, did a rational being do it? Did a person or a
party do it? Or, was it done by a party with a fixed guideline? Even
while in government, as one faction carried placards and photos of Mao
and Lenin, the others were calling themselves republicans in their
national conventions. And what is more, they were showing such loyalty
towards the King, even more than that of yesteryears. Respect the
King, but unwanted, unnecessary worshipping, where is the need for
that? Whoever has sinned, indulge in such acts. What do you call such
a party, a confused party or a party controlled by a remote control ?
If a party which displays such 'merits', goes against me, demanding
that I should be hanged, it does not affect me, as a matter-of-fact,
they were hanging themselves. Whatever credibility they had earned is
gone, they have gone 15 years backwards, they will need this much time
to gain the same credibility once again.
Q Relating To The Contents Of
The Verdict, Some Members Of The CPN- UML Say That They Will Never
Forgive You For Calling Them Nazis...=20
A. No, I have never called
anybody Nazi. When I referred to the Weimer Constitution of pre-Hitler
Germany, I was trying to make the point that successive dissolution of
the then German parliament paved the way for the emergence of
Nazism.Therefore, the reference was not directed towards any political
party in Nepal. Anyway, its not a judge's business to assess any
political party. You read the decision ten times, read it impartially
then you can view the things in the right perspective. I think the
communists nursed guilt inside them, that is why they implied the
reference was meant for them.=20
Q. Now A New Political Atmosphere,
Courtesy A Coalition, Has Emerged. How Do You View This?=20
A. To be
honest, it is too early to assess the merits and demerits of the
present dispensation. Several differing comments appear in the local
papers, but you know their reliability, which newspaper can you rely
on ? And right now, when I view the present situation, I feel I am not
yet ready to objectively assess and comment. But one thing has to be
taken care of which is that this government should be able to set an
example as far as coalition governments are concerned. If you look at
Europe, except the UK, all other nations are used to the coalition
system. Coalitions are a part and parcel of democracy, we have to
learn to accept that. Bishwanath Won't Take Up A Government Job
Caption : People Who Don't Know The ABC Of The Constitution Are
GIRIJA'S OBLIQUE WARNING TO DEOBA?
VOICES OF DISCORD
Major coalition partner Nepali Congress (NC) lawmaker Jaya Prakash
Gupta's severe criticism of the tripartite administration's style of
governance dubbing it as an 'unnatural' merger of interests, during
the parliamentary discussion November 6, has raised many an eyebrow
both in and outside the ruling combination. The extremely negative
views regarding the fate of the coalition government expressed by one
of the close confidants of former prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala
does compel some questions. It is not authentically known whether
Gupta's pessimism is shared or supported by his fellow partymen. There
are many in the NC who has'nt yet come to terms with the young Sher
Bahadur Deuba's ascension to powerdom.People endowed with more
imagination even say that the party leadership itself secretly
directed the man from Saptari to lash the Deuba team for its
lacklustre two-month rule. The noble idea behind such a diktat, if
certain quarters are to be believed, was to impart more seriousness in
Be that as it may, popular impression is quite different. Many
believe Gupta's below-the-belt words only constitute a preface. In the
subsequent chapters, the lanky politician from the far western region,
Deuba, will have to bear more whippings from within his own party than
from the communist opposition, say political analysts. Add to the
Gupta outburst the highly adverse comments made by another firebrand
NC leader and MP Sailaja Acharya, and Deuba's pot seems full.
Acharya's tongue-lashing against Deuba, almost bordering on personal
hatred, indicates that more troublesome days are ahead for the
coalition administration's head. ''But, in no way, this sort of
dissension would pose a threat to the coalition government in the near
future. They can talk as much as they want. They may even create
scenes at different party forums. But when the question of the
survival of the coalition arises, they will have to shut their mouth
as the NC can't afford the premature death of the coalition," a
central NC leader told The Independent November 7.
SLOWLY, GOVERNMENT GATHERS PACE
Amidst allegations of stalling bureaucratic activities and the
attendant stalemate, the NC-RPP-NSP combine, though late by a
month-or-so, is slowly, but surely trying to put the house in order.
The change in portfolios of twenty- three ministerial level
secretaries November 6 is a pointer to that effect.
Whatever colour different political parties may paint of the changes
made, the ground reality is that it is nothing more than a change of
portfolios within the existing set of people. Out of twenty-three,
sixteen happen to be Brahmins, two Newars and four Chhetris. Besides,
nine secretaries are from Janakpur zone alone and among the remaining
fourteen, majority hail from eastern Nepal. Thus, the
change-for-change's-sake, on the periphery, does not betray imbalance
of any kind =D1 ethnic or regional. "We can not have any political
appointment at the ministerial secretary level. The rationale behind
the changes seeks to address interests and the wave-length of the
concerned ministers and secretaries," a cabinet member explained to
The Independent.. The fear-psychosis generated by the Supreme Court's
reinstatement of some of the high-level bureaucrats sacked by Koirala
government was apparent to him. When asked if he thought that the
judiciary was unduly interfering in the executive, this was his reply:
"That may be because of some legal faults, but the executive at least
should have the right to re-structure the bureaucracy for efficiency."
On the diplomatic front, the government is "processing the names" of
the heads of Nepal's diplomatic missions abroad. No resignation has
yet been received from the CPN-UML appointees.
"It's a normal procedure. Since it is a political decision I am
unaware about the replacements, but within a few days the decision
will be taken," Kedar Bhakta Shrestha, secretary of the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs told The Independent November 7.
According to a source, ambassadors to New Delhi, Tokyo, Bangkok, Bonn
and Washington will be replaced ahead of the others.The impending
announcement of the National Planning Commission, now postponed
reportedly due to RPP leader Lokendra Bahadur Chand's pilgrimage to
Mathura, India, will take place by Friday this week. Finance Minister
Mahat's tacking of the issue helped thrash out a consensus betweenRPP
and NC over Prithvi Raj Legal's claims to Vice- chairmanship.
Probably the most difficult and contentious task for PM Deuba lay in
the preparation of the much-awaited list of new ministers and
assistance ministers. The expanded ministerial roster has been
finalised, save for last minute indispensable changes. Prakash Man
Singh, Bal Bahadur K.C., Lila Koirala and Binalendra Nidhi will take
=09Finally Deoba is ready to amend the Newar-deficiency in his coalition with the inclusion of Prakasm Man singh and a feminine deficiency with=20 the inclusion of a woman Lila (?). He is also trying to mukh-thuno two stalwarts of his party: Ganesh Man=20 and Mahendra Narayan Nidhi by includig their sons , for two anti=20
-Koirala, he has two pro-koirala people: Lila and Bal Bahadur.]
charge as cabinet members. Nine or ten other MPs will be appointed
assistant ministers. The only irritant is that while the PM is rooting
for the regular procedure of electing MPs in Upper House (which takes
place on November 13), the aspirants are pressing for it to be done
earlier, fearing last- minute changes.
After the cabinet reshuffle and formation of four secretariats of new
ministries, Deuba government will have the largest (41) ministerial
band, twenty-five ministries and fifty-plus special class officers
enjoying the facilities of the taxpayers money. All the compromises
the PM has made to make this government function until now will only
be justified if he nurses an uncompromising attitude towards
corruption, inefficiency and leg-pulling.
THE HIMALAYAN WITCH-HUNT
By Ram Pradhan Two northern belt-oriented institutions hatched
during the Panchayat era to 'offset the potential influence' from
further north may be shown the door by the newly-installed coalition
administration under subtle but sustained pressure from the
Bhutanese-Taiwanese lobby which have of late been pro-active in
Kathmandu, thanks to the money power and the could-not-care-less
attitude of Nepal's intelligence network. The institutions under
threat are the Rotate Area Development Committee (RADC) and Gumba and
Lama Management Committee (GLMC) =D1 both ostensibly designed to
facilitate a coordinated advancement of the Nepali highlanders
populating the sensitive northern sector.
Officials concerned are reluctant to confirm or deny the report for
fear they might incur the wrath and ire of their new bosses. However,
an old hand with several years of experience with the RADC and GLMC
revealed to The Independent that the lobby in question had, for all
there is to suspect, been encouraged by the 'demonstrated hesitation'
of the present three-party government. The ruling
combination,seemingly, dithered to fend off the external vested
interests whose strategic calculations include a systematic
'neutralisation' of ethnic groups not always loyal to the political
philosophies of the Nepali Congress and the Nepal Sadbhavana Party.
While Thimphu clearly hopes to reap bilateral/diplomatic mileage out
of the tension generated by the disbandment of RADC and GLMC in the
upper reaches, weakening in the process the we-are-the-aggrieved-party
negotiating advantage of Kathmandu, the principal target are the
Buddhists in different parts of the world. Thimphu believes, however
erroneously, that should the Deuba Administration fall into the trap
(it very well may), Bhutan can project Nepal as an inherently
anti-Buddhist country trying to intimidate a vulnerable Buddhist
Taiwan's intentions are double-edged. The move is to apply extra
psychological pressure on China through some form of presence in the
Nepali highland where a vacuum of sorts will have been created with
the abolition of RADC and GLMC. The second =D1 and perhaps more
important =D1 objective of the on-going ball game is the commercial
fall-out. Taiwan knows Nepal is very badly looking for foreign
investment on reasonable terms, and in its rush to implement the joint
venture projects, Nepal just may decide to brush aside its one-China
policy. Its not that China is likely to feel threatened in immediate
terms but the Western strategy to 'circumvent' China in the
South-western sector as part of the overall long-term plan to 'halt
the giant's forward-movement' will have been somewhat successful.
The Bhutanese-Taiwanese lobby is also evidently working overtime for
the lawful installation of the Karmapa-incarnate fielded by Syamar
Rimpoche against the one forwarded by Situ Rimpoche. The latter has
the blessings of, among others, the Dalai Lama, majority Tibetans and
the Chinese government. Although reports say India is having serious
second thoughts, she, for all one knows, stands with Bhutan in support
of Syamar Rimpoche's candidate. Allegedly, Topga Rimpoche, brother of
Syamar Rimpoche who is the husband of Ashi Chhoki (aunt of Bhutanese
King Jigme Singye Wangchuk), was in Nepal recently on a clandestine
visit to 'canvass' for Syamar's candidate.
By Achyut Wagle Five years have passed by after the promulgation
of the present Constitution on November 8, 1990. "Since the
promulgation of this Constitution, it has faced many typhoons and
storms, but has still survived. That makes us hopeful about the steady
development of the constitutional process," says Nilambar Acharya, a
lawyer-turne- politician, who was the Minister for Law and Justice
during the interim period. But the reasons, logic and necessity behind
those 'storms' are definitely worth questioning. Despite the
irresponsible attitudes of the political parties, the 'flexible
strength' of the present law of the land has helped consolidate the
political platform. Although the CPN-UML is yet to express its
unconditional support to the Constitution, it has also enjoyed its
Under this Constitution two general elections have been held, two
different recommendations to dissolve the House of Representatives
have been made =D1 one by G.P. Koirala and the other by Manmohan
Adhikari, both challenged in the court. The court quashed the latter's
recommendation and now the country has a coalition government under
Article 42(1) of the Constitution.
One midterm poll, a majority government, a minority government and a
coalition, all within five years. Isn't the pace too hot to handle? "
We are in an age where the plough exists with the computer. So,
nothing is too fast, nor too slow. One advantage we have is that we
don't have to invent the porter's wheel, but just roll it down," says
One of the architects of the present Constitution and former speaker
Daman Nath Daungana also thinks that "parties have to uphold the
interests of the country, not their own as the first priority''.
It is now coteries that hold sway." Though we have got all provisions,
it has to be responsibly used. Elections which are the bedrocks of
democracy should be free and impartial'', added the man who engineered
a coup of sorts against the Adhikari government.
THE AGONY OF BEING GANESHMAN
By C. K. Lal
It was the day of the Bhai Tika. The normally crowded office of Girija
Babu at Bansbari wore a deserted look. Upstairs, Bhole Baba of Banke
was holding court with two of his party colleagues in his spartan
living quarters. Because of the festival perhaps, the telephone was
unusually silent. Yours truly and a friend happened to be there. The
discussions centred around the character of Bhisma Pitamah of
Mahabharat and the more informed one of the two learned men present
there proposed the theory that perhaps the great character was an
imperfect person because he allowed the wrong-doings of his kin take
place and did absolutely nothing to stop the misadventures of
Kauravas. The two concluded their conversation by agreeing that they
wouldn't insult Bhole Baba by comparing him with Bhisma Pitamah.
A week or so later, I happened to hear a second- rung Nepali Congress
leader comparing Ganeshman to Bhisma Pitamah while wishing him on his
birthday at a public function at Chaksibari and the conversation of
Bansbari came to my mind. Was Bhisma Pitamah indeed a timid man
surrendering abjectly to the whims of the throne on the flimsy excuse
that he was beholden by promise to protect it at all costs? Was it
suitable for a man of his stature to tolerate the disrobing of
Draupadi not only in front of his eyes, but in full public view of the
court? What were his concerns, his agonies and his sorrows like? And
then, I felt like contemplating on the agony of being Ganeshman.
There must be really very few who would object to the statement that
Ganeshman is more than a mere person, he is an institution by himself.
Even if all his contributions to the nation in a career of nearly six
decades are forgotten, even if all his struggles for democracy are not
recorded, even if the consistency of his political stand are all
ignored, his one achievement is more than enough to assure him a pride
of place in the history of Nepal. It was he, and he alone at that
point of time, who could have made Peoples' Movement possible and
brought it to its logical conclusion. To make that happen, he even
agreed to join hands with the leftists, sworn enemy of his party for a
long time. Some of his enemies went to the extent of insulting him
with the title of "Father of Democracy," what they wanted to prove by
their effort was that he is not beyond the reach of such cheap
epithets. A Surya Bahadur may be in need of a medal, a Girija Babu may
fancy an adjective, a Krishna Prasad may require a chair to prove his
worth, but a title for Ganeshman? He is the personification of the
collective character of simple Nepali people, and just that. If at all
you want to call him something, please call him just a Nepali of whom
Nepalis can be proud of.
In the aftermath of Janandolan, various interest groups gathered
around him to bask in the glory of his achievements and these very
people were instrumental in degrading him to a level where a person of
his stature was made to face the charges of being clannish, being
unduly critical =D1 and hold your breath =D1 even of being demanding! Su= ch
absurd charges would not have stuck even for a day if it were not for
his simple nature that sometimes makes him do things that he shouldn't
be doing. But, to sully the image of Ganeshman is to question the
integrity of a common Nepali.
The real agony of Ganeshman started after the formation of the first
democratic government after the restoration of democratic rights. He
was made to witness the collapse of moral values for which he had
spent his life struggling. He was forced to see his beloved party
turning into a crowd of self-servers. He was made to endorse the
wrong-doings of his opportunist partymen. Most of all, he was made to
feel helpless, a mute spectator to the sham being enacted in the name
of democracy and majority rule. The rebel in him was challenged.
However adverse the sitution, fighting for what he feels is right
comes naturally to the man. Once again, he took the charge of
cleansing his party and the mid-term happened.
Can you even guess the pain of the man made to speak against the Tree
that he had nurtured with his own blood as well as the blood and sweat
of many of his closest friends? Compared to that, any physical pain
that he might have undergone or may be undergoing would pale into
insignificance. But, Ganeshman survived that. There are many in his
party who taunt that none of his nominees got elected. May be so, but
numbers are meaningless for a man who has braved adversities all his
life. What is perhaps more important is that he saved his party and
the country from becoming an instrument in the hands of a few
ambitious politicians and from having to live in the shadow of such an
organization. It's true that the process also saddled the country with
a totalitarian government for a while but wasn't the potion of poison
necessary to nip the "Me Only" tendency in the bud before it grew to
monstrous proportions? Ganeshman is sick, and badly in need of
expensive treatment available only outside the country. That's about
his physical ailments and I am sure resources will be mobilized by an
obliged public to save him from the effects of tortures endured by him
on their behalf. But, what about the mental tortures he is still being
subjected to? Do we understand any of them? How does he feel about the
lavish life-styles of some of his own partymen who got elected by an
improvised electorate? What are his observations on the charges of
corruption and nepotism levelled against his former friends? How is he
putting up with the rampant exploitation in the society? How has he
tolerated the rape of his beloved Bagmati? We expect more from him
precisely because he has given so much. Dadhichi is said to have given
his bones, Nepalese expect even more from this frail, old and sick
Yes, in many ways, Ganeshman is similar to Bhisma Pitamah. The
difference is that he is not endowed with the option of "Iksha Mritu''
(Death-at-will). And he has never blindly supported the aspirations of
his Dhritarastras or his Duryodhans. Leaders at Bansbari were right,
calling somebody Bhisma Pitamah is not always a compliment. In any
case, as I mentioned earlier, Ganeshman is beyond epithets; even the
suffix of respect "Jee" sounds superficial with his name. He is an
idea, an inspiration, a personification of the aspirations of common
Tailpiece: "You know why the ailments of Ganeshman has increased after
his birthday celebrations," asked a friend of mine.
"Haven't got the faintest idea," admitted I.
"Dumb. That's simply because the former Mahapancha wished him on his
THE DOVES WILL NOT STOP FLYING
Yitzhak Rabin, the eleventh Prime Minister of Israel, is no more, but
the doves he set free will not stop flying. As announced in the
emergency meeting that designated him the acting prime minister,
Foreign Minister Shimon Peres said, "We have decided to carry on the
path of peace begun by Yitzhak Rabin. It was the last testament that
he left us." King Birendra received the news of Rabin's dastardly
assassination by Yigal Amir, a 27-year-old law student, with a deep
sense of shock and sorrow. The King in his message said : "It is an
enormous loss not only to the state of Israel but to all peace-loving
nations of the world." Rabin's personal efforts and initiatives to
establish a just and durable peace in the Middle East will always be
remembered, added the monarch. Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba has
described the late leader as a man of great vision, courage and
determination. In a message to Acting Prime Minister Shimon Peres, the
prime minister has said: "I am sure that this type of dastardly act
will not deter the Middle East peace process initiated by him (Rabin).
Leader of the opposition Manmohan Adhikari has lauded the role played
by Nobel laureate Rabin in maintaining peace in West Asia, rating it
as "memorable and significant." Rabin, 73, had just finished
addressing 100,000 people at a left-wing "Peace Yes Violence No" rally
and was walking down the steps of the Tel Aviv City Hall when the
assassin fired three revolver shots into him. He was pronounced dead
November 4 in the operating theatre of a nearby hospital.
Rabin's premiership term was characterised by a series of landmarks in
the peace process of the Middle East, beginning with the historic
handshake between him and Chairman Yasser Arafat at the signing of the
Declaration of Principles in Washington September 13, 1993. The
process continued with agreements reached within the framework of the
Interim Self-Government arrangements for the Palestinians in May and
August 1994 and reached the second interim agreement with the
Palestinians September 28, 1995. A full peace treaty with the
Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan was signed October 26, 1994. NSU General
Conference postponed The seventh General Conference of Nepali
Congress' (NC) student wing, Nepal Students Union (NSU), slated for
December 6 in Pokhara has now been postponed. The main reason behind
the delay is the proposed draft seeking amendment of NSU's existing
statute. The existing statute of this organisation has the provision
of electing all its central executive members through a direct vote of
the General Conference representatives, while the new draft attempts
to confer the president with additional powers, like that of the NC
party itself. If the draft is approved, the president would exercise
extensive rights in nomination to the CWC, constitution or abrogation
of local-level leadership and special prerogatives in various other
issues. The proposed December 6 conference would, however, be convened
in the form of a Constitution Assembly in Kathmandu. But, instead of
all the Conference representatives, this meeting will be attended only
by the present central committee members and the representatives of
the sixth Conference held in 1992. The Kathmandu Assembly will have
extensive discussion on the new draft of the statute. "The CWC has
already asked for suggestions from all district presidents," informed
a CWC member. Prior to the presentation of the draft at the meeting,
the NC CWC has to approve of it. The NC CWC has already directed the
NSU to convene a Constitution Assembly. While the NSU leadership was
keen on ratifying the amendments, through however small a number, the
Conference representatives had demanded that it could be adopted only
in the General Conference. Due to this tug-of-war, the NC CWC had to
intervene. As soon as the Kathmandu meeting adopts the new statute,
the seventh Conference would be held under this statute. The date and
venue would be decided at this meeting.
GANDHI, NEPAL AND KOIRALA
"Whatever the methods Mahatma Gandhi may have adopted, we must learn
from him that he fought against colonialism and expansionism. I
respect him for his love for Ahimsa", said Madhav Kumar Nepal, general
secretary of CPN-UML, in a meeting organized by Nepal-Bharat Maitri
Sangh November 3 celebrating the 125th birth anniversary of Mahatma
Gandhi. In turn, former premier G.P. Koirala, in a speech laced with
satire and humour, quipped tongue-in-cheek : "It is a great relief for
me that Madhav Nepalji has also started loving peace and appreciating
Gandhi's non-violence." Recalling his two meetings with Gandhi,
Koirala said that he has not been able to pay a real tribute to Gandhi
since he could not follow his life style. "I still have tensions which
Gandhi never had," said he. RPP Chairman Surya Bahadur Thapa, PM Sher
Bahadur Deuba, Speaker of House of Representatives Ram Chandra Poudel
and Indian Ambassador to Nepal K.V. Rajan also spoke on the occasion.
Not at all surprisingly, Girijababu believed terribly angry with The
Independent's (November 1) issue on two counts. According to a Koirala
loyalist, the former premier said the lead story is aimed at creating
misunderstanding between himself and his protege PM Deuba. The back
page has no comment except to say let the great guy publicly declare
he does not covet the powerful position as the Nepali Congress
leadership in parliament has now been transferred to younger
generation for good. Will he? Highly unlikely.
*** Foreign Minister
Prakash Lohani's revelation regarding the UN still owing even the
least of the least-developed Nepal 15 million American dollars in
outstanding dues over the services rendered by Nepali peace keepers in
different parts of the world is no doubt a telling commentary on the
world body's financial health. Why, then, maintain such a staggering
staff of 60,000 overpaid pseudo-international professionals incurring
equally frightening retirement benefits. Tattler suggests the UN
in-house fiscal geniuses look into the thoughts of Shanker Poudel,
Talkback, (The Independent, Nov. 1).=20
*** Ministers voluntarily opting
out of the ministerial accommodation at Pulchok are, as Tattler has
been informed, colluding to claim house allowances from the
government, and that too in thousands of rupees. Taxpayers' money is
not for distribution beyond reasonable degree. Even if the government,
in view of the expanding cabinet, is unavoidably made to pay the house
allowance, the figure must not exceed 25% of the official salaries.
Don't say such a step would force the ministers to hunt for other
avenues. If history is any guide, they will of course do. Won't they?
If discrimination on the lines of religion has to be avoided, the
programmes of all religious groups should be gifted equal time over
Radio Nepal. =A5 Former Health Minister Padma Ratna Tuladhar In
In view of the National Assembly elections which was hanging fire till
November 13, the expansion of the coalition cabinet to accommodate
some Nepali Congress backbenchers was perhaps justifiably postponed.
However, the delay in announcing the final team, going to be by far
the largest in the political history of Nepal, coupled with the
bigwigs' tentativeness as manifested in their overly hesitant moves
does not fail to arouse deep doubts over the seriousness of the new
government's publicly-declared policy of setting right the house left
unkempt by the dethroned red regime. Of greater concern is the
emergent fissures in the RPP camp on whom depends the survival =97 and
demise =97 of the present coalition administration. The National
Assembly elections have established the fact that the RPP as a bloc is
unpredictable and is yet not totally averse to enlisting the
communists' support (which is there for the asking) if the situation
so warrants. The sheer arithmetic of the voting pattern is indicative
of who among the RPP stalwarts enjoy the support of whom in the
opposition. The election of Rajeswore Devkota at the cost of CPN-UML's
Yubaraj Gyawali is without doubt a significant revelation in that it
clearly conveys what is being cooked up to upset the parliamentary
apple-cart. The mainline opposition is perfectly justified in seeking
to dislodge the Deuba government through constitutional means, and
what it decided to do in the Upper House chessboard this time may in
the days ahead yield results in exactly what the party wants happened
in the politics of Nepal. The equation, it seems, is shifting,
affecting the staying power of the coalition.
A social studies teacher for twenty-two years in Jhapa, Devi Prasad
Ojha is now the chief whip of the CPN-UML's Parliamentary Party. Born
1953 in Khotang and a private graduate in Arts, Ojha plunged into
politics in 1969 through the teachers' movement and became a communist
party member in 1977. He also served as the elected president of Nepal
Teachers' Association during the later half of the eighties. A highly
effusive and friendly Brahmin, he is known among his rivals as a
'Sabotage Engineer'. Ojha talked to The Independent November 13 at
[What a name! a]
the CPN-UML Parliamentary Party office in the Parliament Secretariat
Complex. Excerpts :
Q. What is the new strategy that your party has formulated after
being thrown out of power?
A. As a matter of fact, we are waiting and watching the performance of
the coalition government. However, we, by now have perceived that they
are heading towards disaster and acting as a suppressive government.
They are also trying to erase even the good things initiated by our
(CPN-UML) government. As a responsible political force, we are
maintaining utmost restraint. All of us are now involved in collecting
the facts on the work, negative or positive, being done by this
government. We are also devoting our time and attention to strengthen
our party's organization.
Q.Firstly, you said that the government is heading towards disaster
and then, you used the word 'suppressive'. Can you substantiate that?
A. The cases of murder and kidnapping have greatly increased and the
government has not been able to take any action against the culprits.
There are several instances all over the country of workers belonging
to the opposition parties being beaten up and their lives being
threatened. There is political discrimination even in the appointments
of non-political nature. The appointments made according to rules and
regulations by the past government have also been cancelled. I take
these acts as suppressive.
So far as heading towards disaster is concerned, the government has
not been able to form the National Planning Commission, till the time
of our present discussion, even though two months have elapsed. No new
development work has been undertaken. The people don't really believe
that this government would last long. Every one fears that this
coalition may collapse anytime. This uncertainty is very harmful for
Q. Don't you think that the process of constitutional development
would be hindered if this government too can not function?
A. I don't think so. The system and the government are two different
things. Governments may come and go but the system survives. When
there is a hung paliament, it is natural that there may be more cases
of change in government. It is only those who have not understood the
system who are advocating that changes in government could endanger
the democracy and the system itself. We have our own example, after
the promulgation of the new constitution five years ago, four
governments, including the interim one, came into play but the system
never broke down.
Q. How long, do you think, will this government last? Do you aspire
to utilise the services of Article 42(2) again if the coalition
A. The life-span of this government is dependant on its ability and
efficiency. If they can demonstrate their capability, this may last
quite a long period. But if they continue to do what they have been
doing these last two months, it will fall down within no time. The
government should be able to ensure the people, the bureaucracy and
the donors that it is going to last long. I don't think this has been
done at all. There are some objective reasons for this. Firstly, it is
a coalition government. Secondly, Nepali Congress is a party which
knows how to form a government but does not know how to operate it.
Q. What is the alternative you foresee? Elections?
A. Naturally, we will form the government.
Q. Again a minority government?
A. That depends on the situation. There is also the possibility of
forming a government under Article 42 (2) of this constitution.
Observing the future political equation that may come up, we may also
have other alternatives.
Q. You certainly have hinted at an CPN-UML -RPP coalition. Have you
started moving your cards towards that direction?
A. We are not in favour of destructive moves. We can't help if they
destroy themselves. We will continue to play our role as an opposition
in the established fashion.But we don't want to break the coalition,
it is not necessary.
Q. You have now withdrawn the impeachment motion from the House. Why
did you try to push it into the House if it had to be withdrawn?
Isn't that political immaturity?
A. Every one has his/her own right to judge any event and draw any
kind of conclusion. But we have not shown immaturity. One should be
clear about the objectives of the motion itself. It is a fact that our
constitution has adopted the principle of separation and balance of
power of different constitutional bodies. So there should not be an
encroachment into the power of one body by another. When we first
filed the motion against the then Chief Justice Bishwanath Upadhyaya
and justice (the present Chief Justice) Surendra Prasad Singh, we had
clearly said that the judiciary tried to intervene in the powers of
the executive. Therefore, we charged them as being inefficient. But
that motion was never discussed ....
Q. You raised the question of inefficiency over only two judges
whereas they also had six other supports. Doesn't that prove your
A. It is not really possible to pick the whole team so we had to focus
on the team leaders. When Upadhyaya was the team leader, we filed the
impeachment motion against him, but the case with Singh was altogether
different. We were not really concerned with the issue of the verdict
(of reviving the House of Representatives). When this motion was not
allowed into the House for discussions, another pertinent question on
the constitutionally provided prerogative of the one-fourth of the
total Lower House MPs was triggered off. The question was whether the
Speaker of the House could be an obstacle in stopping the exercising
of such rights. As we perceived it as the violation of constitutional
rights by very responsible persons like the Speaker, we filed another
After a very long series of meetings and discussions, Speaker Ram
Chandra Poudel fixed a date for discussion in the Houses. Thereby, the
one-fourth members of the HOR were able to exercise their prerogative.
So, our party decided to withdraw this motion.
Q. What was the reason behind the sudden change of mind, why did the
the concerned authorities finally announce the date for debate?
A. As this issue hogged the national limelight, we were successful in
conveying the message to all concerned that people's representatives
are watchful and such issues could be discussed in the parliament.
That is enough for now, we thought the alleged should also get a
chance to correct themselves.
Q. But isn't the withdrawal an attempt to seek pardon? You know that
the Supreme Court may punish your leaders whose contempt-of-court
cases are still lying there. Are you trying to save your leaders?
A. It is not so. If the Supreme Court decides that our leaders have
held the court in contempt, they are ready to adhere by the decision.
We never made it a bargaining point.
Q. On almost all other issues, the main political parties differ. But
it seems that all of you are hand-in-glove when it comes to killing
the spirit of the Upper House. The House is not merely meant for the
politicians, the nation's eminent talents from various fields should
gain a place there. It is also a place where the minorities could be
represented adequately. elections. But now the Upper House has become
a sanctuary for politicans who can't win elections. Many losers on a
Lower House ticket are provided with anUpper House appointment. Why
A. To some extent, I agree with you and hope that in the course of
time, the situation will improve. Of course, this trend needs
The HMG has formed the B.P Memorial Cancer Hospital committee under
the chairmanship of Prof. B.C. Malla. The committee has Jagannath
Poudel as Vice-chairman and Dr. Shashank Koirala, Dr Shesh Kant Aryal,
MP Gangadhar Lamsal, Basanta Chaudhary, Karna Shakya and Dr.Ramesh
Adhikari as members. The Bharatpur Municipality mayor is the
ex-officio member and Dr. Manohar Lal Gupta is the member-secretary of
Nepal's main political parties, be it the Nepali Congress which loves
to be called a social democratic formation or the CPN- UML which
also vows to be commited to multi-party people's democracy or the
Rightist Rastriya Prajatantra Party, it seems, have so far ignored
the importance and value of the National Assembly, our answer to the
House of Lords. There have been atleast three elections for the
National Assembly, once for the whole body and twice for partially
vacant seats. But in all the three cases, over ninety-nine per cent of
the major political parties' candidates owe their roots to politics.
No one was picked from the fields of art, literature, social service
or other creative areas. In almost all the cases, the National
Assembly berths have played the role of consolation prizes offered to
those political leaders who either couldn't win the Lower House
election or who desperately sought a short-cut to the corridors of
The age factor has also not been taken into account while nominating
persons to the National Assembly in this nascent democracy, which is a
serious mistake as the Upper House is meant for the elder or senior
citizens of the country.The first National Assembly which came into
being in 1991 was dominated by young hard-core political activists of
the main political players of the country =97 the NC and CPN-UML.
Ironically, the most powerful Deputy Prime Minister during the
CPN-UML's nine-month-long pink rule, Madhav Kumar Nepal also hailed
from the Upper House ! A similar situation prevailed during the Nepali
Congress tenure when the country's master of exchequer was a member of
the National Assembly. Actually, if constitutional rules are to be
followed in toto, all the money bills have to be tabled in the Lower
House and then they have to be send to the Upper House. But in the
Congress' three and a half years administration, the Finance Minister
himself was not a member of the Lower House.
Unearthing the antecedents of personalities ( like which walks of life
they represent) elected to the National Assembly the other day, one
can see that the status quo has been rigidly maintained. The non-
communist coalition opted for active politicians =97 except for a female
candidate =97 who were either defeated in the last mid-term poll or who
did not dare to fight. The same holds true in the case of the main
Digging further, one can discover other features such as the fact that
of the five NC nominees =97 Prakash Man Singh, Omkar Shrestha, Bhim B.
Shrestha, Shilupyari Mulani Karmacharya and Keshav B. Bishta =97 four of
them hail from Kathmandu. As for their ethnic identity, it cannot be
missed that four belong to the Newar community. While this may be the
NC way of appeasing disgruntled Newars who missed the bus during the
last elections, the fact remains that such appeasement does not cater
to the maintenance of a perfect ethnic balance.
Thamel on fire
By A Reporter
David Carraro, an Italian tourist, was stabbed to death Oct 13, at
Reggae Pub, Thamel =97 a Kathmandu suburb which has evolved into a
tourist hub of sorts though not necessarily free from insecurity.
The police has identified five local youths =97Khumseng Gurung, Raju
Gurung, Lalit Gurung, Tashi Bhote Gurung and Sexy alias Sonam Gurung.
Of the five accused, the police has succeeded in arresting only two =97
Raju, who had escaped upto Delhi, and Khumseng was found in Balaju.
While Lalit =97 who allegedly stabbed the deceased and is believed to
have flown out of Nepal =97 and the other two are still absconding, the
police say that they have sealed all the exit points.
David (27) was here perhaps to enjoy the scenic beauty but succumbed
to the wrath of the local anti-social elements. This macabre incident
thus emphasises that maintenance of law and order has become a tricky
proposition for the authorities. Yet another death, that of Padam
Karki, watchman at Old Vienna Restaurant, justifies the belief.
A waiter who has been with the Reggae Pub for over a year, requesting
anonymity said, "The youths made a pass at David's girlfriends to
which they mildly responded. And when one of the guys proceeded to
hold one of the girls' hand, David strongly objected and a heated
argument followed which cost the Italian his life. Still the tragedy
could have been avoided if there were in-house security or timely
An observer said, "Following the incident the panic-stricken people
ran out of the pub. And the cops on the beat because of the language
barrier could not immediately grasp the confusion at the pub premises.
If the police could have cordoned off the crowd, the culprits could
have been easily arrested."
One of the youths taken into custody for interrogation said, "The
police just arrested me and other long-haired guys saying the murderer
wore his hair long. Even when they knew we were innocent, they
threatened that if we don't cut our hair short, we might get into
trouble this being a murder case. And to ward off unnecessary
complications we gave in though it was foolish to assume that the guy
who stabbed would be still walking around with a long hair."
The five accused in the case are notorious in the vicinity and have
criminal records, according to the police . There are many others like
the five accused who supposedly are narcotic dealers, perennial
gamblers and brothel-goers still breathing the free air. The actual
area of Thamel covers only a few furlongs, therefore proper
maintenance of law and order is not impossible by any stretch of the
Kamal Lama, who has been plying his taxi for the last ten years, put
forth his view, "The police is really alert and everything has been
quiet for a few days. If this continues it will be good but if they
relax and become lenient then everything will be the same again''.
"The murders have affected the tourist arrival as they are changing
their destination in the eleventh hour", said Madhav Shrestha, tour
operator. While a hotelier, who is often harassed by the mini-mafia
culture, added, "The nature of the crime has humiliated the Thamel
residents. It has affected us too. A friend of mine, who has been
running one of the leading restaurants, upset by the incidents, is
giving a serious thought to change his line of business."
The uneasy atmosphere at Thamel will clear only if the authorities
clam down heavily on the underworld happenings. Till such time, the
tourists and the Thamelites will always have the murder of the Italian
in the back of their minds. Thamel, known for its parties and the
laidback attitude, surely deserves proper police care. If not, the
tourism market may decline, and what is worse, the feeling of security
may be lost forever.
The police has to awake and arise from their apparent slumber.
For a two-way information flow
The people's plight has not improved much despite five constitutions
promulgated since 1948, Nepal Law Society Executive Member Sarbagya
Ratna Tuladhar said at a seminar marking the constitution Day November
9. The seminar had been convened to refocus on the issues relating to
Citizens' Right to Information enshrined in the fundamental law of the
land eights months after the successful conclusion of the people's
movement for restoration of democracy in 1990.
The Tuladhar contention was that the political parties or other vested
interest groups, for convenience of governance, brushed aside the
theory of the rule of the people, for the people and by the people.
Co-chairman of the RPP, the current holder of political balance in
Nepal, Rajeswore Devkota, insisted that written document alone was not
adequate to protect and uphold the citizens' right, including the
right to information, until the powers-that-be had the inclination to
implement those rights in practice. "We may be well advised not to
overly depend on the already overworked judiciary on the matter."
Representative of Friedrich Naumann Foundation (FNF), the seminar
co-sponsor, Eberhard von Goldacker endorsed Devkota's rationale and
stressed freedom of information does not only need to be written in
the constitution; it has to be the 'guide for a fair, self-
controlled, prudent procedure with facts, ideas and meanings.' The
right to information, said the German, can be used as a weapon but the
given guarantee requires careful and wise management, meaning
self-restrained information based on real facts and truth =97 not
rumour, hearsay or slander =97 should be allowed to prevail.
The participants, backed by the papers prepared by journalist Gopal
Das Shrestha, MP Narahari Acharya and Administrative Court functionary
Kashi Raj Dahal, concluded that certain preconditions have to be met
before the citizens' right to information begins to make sense. As the
right under review is a fundamental freedom, appropriate legal basis
would have to be created for it to have any impact on the concept of
'unhindered, two-way flow of information'.
Important among the thoughts expressed at the one-day exercise dealt
with the development of a more democratised information flow system to
stimulate free and frank dialogue between the press and political
parties, privatisation of the official media and empowerment of the
rural mass by means of a reliable networking paraphernalia.
How much and what nature of information should the government be
permitted to withhold in security/public interest must not be left to
individual interpretation of the revelant constitutional provisions.
Instead, the issue must be clearly defined and all concerned be made
to abide by the limitations set by the law enacted by parliament.
Economic tigers kill tigers to extinction
'Eating the parts of a tiger is said to give you its legendary
sexual prowess', says the voice-over for a 30-second television
commercial that shows two big cats mating. 'You too can make love for
a full 15 seconds.'
The advertisement debunked the myth of tigers' virility, and
deliberately packed a powerful sexual punch. It was meant to jolt
millions of Asian viewers who have been seeing it on satellite TV in
The campaign strikes at traditional beliefs that fuel demand for tiger
products, including tiger penises believed to be an aphrodisiac in
countries like China, Taiwan and South Korea. 'Destroy the myth, not
the tiger,' is the theme of the awareness campaign.
Ironically, it is the economic success of East Asia's 'tigers' that is
making the tiger extinct.
Animal experts say demand by newly-affluent East Asians fuels the
killing and poaching of the jungle cat from the rest of Asia, and is
fast pushing the region's once- thriving tiger population to
Fewer than 5,000 tigers are left in the wild today. Three of the eight
tiger subspecies have already become extinct in the last decade.
"At the current rate of extermination, the tiger will be extinct in
the wild before the year 2000," warns the New York-based Wildlife
Conservation Society (WCS), which this year launched a five-year
campaign to save the tiger.
"Almost without exception, tigers are killed by poachers to supply the
illegal traditional Chinese medicine trade," it says.
The Chinese believe tiger parts, used in traditional medical
preparations, heal ailments ranging from backaches to poor eyesight.
Tiger penis soup, which can cost US$350 a bowl, is supposed to
increase libido, though no scientific proof supports this.
Under trade and political pressure, China, Hong Kong, South Korea and
Taiwan have now banned the manufacture and sale of medicines made from
But TRAFFIC East Asia, which tracks trade in animal parts, says it is
"impossible" to estimate the size of the lucrative black market. Tiger
products are still sold clandestinely in China and Taiwan. TRAFFIC
says they are sold openly in Japan.
TRAFFIC East Asia director Judy Mills says Asian demand for
tiger-derived medicines seems to be declining, but "those willing to
risk breaking the law are still buying and selling these products."
China is the largest manufacturer of tiger products, but experts say
it uses mostly non-native tigers because its own tigers were depleted
since declaring the animal a pest decades ago. WCS says cruel methods
of "farming tigers" to supply the medicine trade exist in Thailand,
Taiwan and China.
Mills also worries about other markets for tiger products, mainly
"Japan and Western countries with large Asian populations" that may
have more lenient laws and are less aware of the gravity of the
India and Nepal are home to over 3,000 tigers or about half of the
world's tiger population. But their numbers have been declining over
the decades due to poaching, human intrusions into sanctuaries and
massive misreporting in India in previous years.
The tiger situation in the rest of Asia is much worse. The Siberian
tiger remains only in 10 per cent of its former range in the Russian
Far East and fewer than 50 out of an estimated 300 tigers are known to
live within protected areas.
Experts note "intense pressure" along the Chinese border for tigers,
and are wary over new roads that opened the region's interior. A tiger
can fetch US$4,000 to US$10,000, so "the poaching incentive for local
people is extreme", says a WCS report.
And while there are extensive tiger habitats in the South-East Asian
nations of Thailand, Laos, Burma and Vietnam, there are very few
tigers. Thailand assumes it has 600 tigers in the wild, but WCS
surveys show numbers ranging from 150 to 200.
Scientists thought there would be more tigers in Burma, 40 percent of
which remains forested. Historical estimates stand at 3,000 tigers,
but actual numbers may be closer to 300. There are 400 to 500 Sumatran
and fewer than 40 South China tigers left.
And even when sanctuaries are provided them, serious problems continue
to hound tigers.
WCS field scientist Ullas Karanth says tiger conservation efforts that
began 25 years ago ran into problems such as untrained and underpaid
forestry staff, and government's lack of resources and political will.
Tigers are also under threat from people who live on fringes of
sanctuaries and growing human communities that need more land and are
pushing into what was once animal territory.
Citing years of research in Nagarhole reserve in southern India,
Karanth says tigers are scarce in much of Asia due to the loss of
their 'prey base'. Put simply, "tigers and people are competing for
food," says Dorene Bolze, head of the WCS Conservation Policy
Adds Karanth: "Every day in fact thousands of villagers enter forests
around their homes to shoot, snare and trap tigers' favoured food.
Except in a few well-protected sanctuaries, uncontrolled hunting for
the pot by local people has driven prey populations down to levels
unable to support tigers."
But conservation efforts have been boosted by measures that make trade
in tiger parts illegal. Mills says East Asia must be credited for
action in the tiger campaign in recent years, though "the black market
remains a threat to the survival of the world's remaining wild
South Korea signed a convention barring trade in endangered species
and in March made the sale of tiger products illegal, but not before
importing two tonnes of tiger bones from China in 1993.
In April, Washington banned imports of Taiwanese wildlife products
after Taipei failed to curb tiger bone trade. This helped raise
awareness, but Mills says "the plight of the tiger was lost on many
users of traditional Chinese medicines who saw the sanctions as more
an issue of political and cultural sovereignty than one of conserving
an endangered species."
Indeed, the bigger and harder fight may be how to change attitudes and
dampen the demand for tiger parts. WCS says this is why its public
awareness campaign, using ads created for free by the admaker Ogilvy &
Mather, targets younger Chinese who are likely to be more
conservation-minded and less firm believers in tradition.
"It tries to address aspects that have not been dealt with before, and
that is demand," Bolze says. "It's very hard for countries to protect
tigers when it's not so hard to sell them.''
American Library goes hi-tech
By A Staff Reporter
American Ambassador, Sandy Vogelgesang, Nov 7 presided over the
official opening of the United States Information Service (USIS)
Reference Center in Gyaneswor, with Dr. Mohan Lohani, Chairman of
Tribhuvan University's English Department, being the chief guest.
The American Library has now been converted into a Reference Center,
offering computer-based reference resources including CD- ROM data
bases and certain on-line services. In addition to a rich collection
of periodicals, the Center also features American studies and video
collections. The Center's resources will be available to patrons for
reading in the USIS premises only
The Library in Kathmandu was opened May 30, 1952. The then Prime
Minister Matrika Prasad Koirala inaugurated it. Over the years, the
Library has undergone several changes. In 1962, it occupied the entire
ground floor of a new building in New Road. This building was
inaugurated by late King Mahendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev.
Press circles taking huge interest over the impending return of
King Birendra's media commissar Chiran Shumsher Thapa
reportedly to retake charge of the principal press secretariat. A
certain friend of his who has now metamorphosed himself into a
staunch, spirited social democrat/republican quipped at a diplomatic
bash =97 the great guy left when the panchayat collapsed for studies
in Germany and Britain, and will be back when his cronies are
calling virtually all the shots in today's Nepal. Anybody aghast?
Ministers have not been able to prove themselves efficient.
=97 Former Health Minister Padma Ratna Tuladhar=20
The Kathmandu valley has always been neglected and has remained out of
the political mainstream. This valley which is dominated by the Newar
community should gain autonomy .
=97 RPP Vice-chairman Jog Mehar Shrestha
in Nepal News
This government has proved to be a non-starter. If inertia
continues, this may fall down within no time.
=97 NC MP J. P. Gupta "Ananda"=20
Politics vs Spirituality
I will quit politics if my spirituality is hurt.
=97 Upper House MP Mohan Chandra Adhikari
Some serious thinkers have begun to suspect the ability of the
multiparty system to provide Nepal a government that can guarantee
stability and development, not because the restored dispensation is
innately unsuitable to this geopolitically handicapped country but
because strong political commitment and competent leadership are
nowhere to be spotted in the horizon. They also allege that the
political leaders and officials, taking a leaf out of the panchayat
book, direct their loyalty not towards the people but towards certain
centres of power, within and without. However harsh the thoughts may
be, they are definitely not devoid of logic if an effort is made to
analyse the attitude and performance of the two previous governments
and the indecision of the present one. All indications point to the
unwelcome phenomenon of being stuck with the psychosis of transitional
politics even after five years of experience with a system based on
what was said to be a 'consensus' constitution reflecting the
mainstream philosophies of the three players -- the palace, the
centrists and the leftists. While the bigwigs seem interested in
either maintaining the status quo or furthering partisan/familial
interests, the rank and file seems confused and conspired against. In
such a situation, what can one expect to happen in the country?
Precious little in terms of change and progress. As rightly pointed
out by a theorist recently, only the system of reaching to power has
changed. The attitude to rule the people, instead of serving them, has
not undergone any dramatic changes. The people are becoming
increasingly apathetic with the result the slogan 'development through
popular participation' has ceased to excite the same level of
emotional response as it did during the early stages of transition
triggered by the people's movement against the 'authoritarian' regime.
The question is: when will the politicos realise that their ultimate
test lies in nothing else but in =97 does the politics they are involved
in strengthen or weaken the people's rightful power to control their
"GORKHAS WILL REMAIN A CONSTANT FACTOR IN BRITAIN-NEPAL RELATIONS."
Timothy J. B. George
Timothy George, who has been the United Kingdom's envoy to Nepal since
October 1990 and who is retiring shortly from the British Foreign
Service, was the Head of Republic of Ireland Department, dealing with
Northern Ireland issues from 1986 to 1990. His tryst with diplomacy
began in 1961 at the age of 24. From 1963 to 1966, he was Third, later
Second, Secretary at Beijing and then returned to London for a tour of
duty in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO). Early in 1969, he
was posted to New Delhi as First Secretary (Economic) and three years
later, was transferred to Hong Kong as Assistant Political Adviser to
the Governor. From 1974 to 1978, he served in the FCO again, as
Assistant Head of European Integration Department (Internal) and then,
on promotion to the rank of Counsellor, became Head of Chancery in
Beijing. In 1981, he undertook a sabbatical at the International
Institute for Strategic Studies in London. The following year he was
posted to the UK Delegation to OECD in Paris as Counsellor and Head of
Chancery. Last Thursday, the India-born (Mussoorie 1937) career
diplomat talked to Ram Pradhan and Sagun S. Lawoti of The
Independent at his modest Lainchaur office for about 45 minutes.
Highlights of the exclusive interview :
Q. In the context of Nepal-Britain cooperation, what are the areas
where the British government is particularly interested in helping
A. In my time here, there has been a change in orientation of
British aid. With some exceptions, we used to support things like
buildings and roads. What we have tried to do in recent years is to do
more to support institutions, getting the institutions right so that
the country can develop, with any major expenditure arising out of
that. Two major directions in which we have pushed aid in my time have
been in education and health. We used to have a major project at
Budhanilkantha School. We still support it. But now we are deeply
involved in the secondary education, helping the education system,
reform of the examinations - SLC, Plus 2 in the Sciences. And as for
health, we used to be supporting the old military hospital in Dharan.
Now we have moved on to assisting Safer Motherhood and primary health
care. We have long supported the building of roads, particularly in
the East. Now we have added projects within the Department of Roads.
We are also changing the form of our assistance to the agricultural
Q. What makes your government shift approaches in the middle of a
project? Is it because you are not satisfied or feel it's not working
or is it an arbitrary action?
A. No, not at all. It's not a matter of stopping a programme. Aid
programmes evolve, projects come, projects go and projects are
completed - as happened to Budhanilkantha School, which reached a
phase where it was ripe for Nepalisation. That money is now put aside
for more general application. And the same is true for all our
projects, we allow them to evolve without interruptions wherever
Q. You do have a preconceived notion of how Nepal should be develop,
A. We have our own ideas about how Nepal should be developed and you
also have your own ideas on that score. But these decisions are not
meant to be taken by us, its the Nepalese government's job. Here lies
the problem, development has been left too much in the hands of the
donors and not at the initiative of the Nepalese. We can support, but
we cannot lead in the long run, only you can do that. We can fill
gaps. It is a fact, however, that the budget is one-third financed
from abroad, and that affects things.
Q. To what extent do the changes in political scene affect your
A. Not at all. We went through the period of Congress and then UML,
and now it's the Coalition government. As for the particular projects,
they go faster or slower depending on the performance and priority of
Q. Now, based on your experience, how do you visualise Nepal's
economic development and development of her institutions?
A. I think I will start with democracy. Over the last few years the
system envisaged by the 1990 Constitution has come up rather well.
Some things may be unpopular with some people, but on the whole the
basic pillars of the Constitution have been accepted. That means the
structure is good, and within that structure I think democracy should
If you look at the economic side, Nepal is a poor country and will
require assistance for a very long time. But I think development is
coming. You've got agriculture, tourism and hydro-electricity and some
manufacturing industries. The chances are there. I think there should
be a concentration on hydro-electricity and tourism. Other things of
course follow. Agriculture is important, hence our help with
agriculture research and the seed sector.
Q. Taking into consideration the frequent changes in government, it
seems all is not well. Do you agree with this view?
A. What I've said is, democracy is a means of furthering
development, not the end in itself. It's perhaps time for all
governments, including my own, to think in terms of using democracy to
bring about the welfare of the people of this country.
Q. Would you like to say something about the fate of the Gurkhas
after 1997 ? What happens to the Gurkha connection between Britain
A. The Gurkha connection is a unique contract between Nepali
nationals and the British Army. It is true that the numbers will be
cut down by 1999, and this will have an impact. Regardless of that, I
think the connection will remain. It may be on a smaller scale, but it
will survive. If you talk about the relations between Nepal and
Britain 40 years ago, and if you talk about the relation 40 years from
now, I would expect change. I would expect trade and investment to be
more important. We are, for example, establishing a Nepal-Britain
Chamber of Commerce =97 and there is a Chamber in London too. But the
Gurkhas will remain a constant factor in our relations. The Gurkha
connection epitomises the long-standing friendship between the two
countries. His Majesty was invited to participate in the VE Day
celebrations as a mark of that friendship.
Q. You must have heard about the problems concerning rehabilitation
of the Gurkhas. We believe not all expectations have been met. For
instance, they don't get jobs and opportunities commensurate with the
training they receive. What's your assessment ?
A. I'm not sure I understand that question. When they leave the
Army, Gurkhas are offered training packages of their choice, and some
of them have been able to go abroad for the jobs. They should be well
placed to look after themselves .
Q. The point is Nepal hasn't offered much to them.
A. But I'm not sure, who in Nepal is responsible for supplying this?
Q Would you say the Gurkhas will make a useful component of a
permanent UN Peacekeeping Force if such a force is ever created by
the world body?
A. Gurkhas have played a distinguished role in a number of UN
peace-keeping operations, to which the British Army have contributed.
I am sure that this will continue. A permanent UN peace-keeping force,
however, is for the future. It will presumably continue to be drawn
from national armies, with Gurkhas taking their turn as at present as
an integral part of the British Army.
Q. What is your perception of the South Asian security scene?
A. Some years ago I studied the relations between India and China.
Their relationship has improved to a considerable extent. Clearly this
is a sensitive area for Nepal, which tries to keep good relations with
Q. How do you view our parliamentary system?
A. I think it has made a very good start. Any legislature or
Parliament has to pass legislation and oversee the Executive. For the
last two years, there has not been a great deal of legislation because
of the parliamentary situation. The decision of the Supreme Court
clearly changed the course of events.
Q. There must be something wrong in the parliamentary system...
A. I'm not in favour of picking flaws. The important thing is to get
the business done. I gave a copy of the British Parliamentary Rule
Book (Erskine May) to the previous Speaker. I hope that this has been
helpful on the procedural side.
Q. Don't you have anything to say about the institution of monarchy
A. The institution of monarchy is a symbol of the unity of the
country and enjoys great respect.
Q. What about your monarchy?
A. I'm the sure for the people of the United Kingdom the Crown is
the symbol of unity. The Parliamentary system in Britain has a long
tradition, which does not mean that it is immune from change. There is
debate - passionate debate - in the United Kingdom about regional
government, for instance. There is also the change of relationship
with Parliament brought about by our membership of the European Union,
with some legislation being made in Brussels. But all this can be
accommodated within our Parliamentary tradition.
Q. What have been the highs and lows of your assignment in Nepal?
A. You can look at this question at a number of levels. If you look
at the trends, the high point is the shift in our aid programme, which
is a long-term thing. It is not complete yet.
At another level there were the disastrous floods of 1992, when we
were able to built bridges on the Prithvi Highway. Our efforts at
relief work on that occasion, including the use of Gurkha Engineers,
considerably strengthened the Nepal-Britain relationship.
A sad point came the previous year, when there were two major air
crashes. It was a difficult time for us all. But as an Embassy it
brought us together as a team.
Q. As an observer, what important changes have you noticed in Nepal
the last five years?
A. It takes more than five years to change a nation, even to half
change a nation. You can change the exterior, but not the
fundamentals. What has changed is that the people have more and more
faith in the system established after the 1990 movement. Those who
framed the Constitution did an extremely good job. The movement was
really a revolution, but it was a self-limiting revolution. To improve
the fundamentals on which development is based, the government has to
put in a lot of hard work.
Q. Is Britain happy with the present coalition government in Nepal?
A. We are happy to deal with whichever government the Nepali people
aspire to have. We have made a good start in our dealings with the
Q. What are your plans after retirement from active diplomatic
A. I would simply say that December 1st is the first day of the rest
of my life! But, having lived for so long here and having come to know
and love Nepal, I hope that I can continue to contribute in some way s to the improvement of our bilateral relations.
Change of messengers
Save the man in Manhattan Island (New York), all ambassadors
appointed by the CPN-UML government have been formally recalled,
sources close to Shital Niwas told The Independent November 21. The
ones asked to pack bags are Basudev Dhungana (Washington), Nobel
Kishore Rai (Bonn), Tulsi Lal Amatya (Beijing), Harsha Narayan
Dhaubhadel (New Delhi), Bishnu Hari Nepal (Tokyo) and Gopal Prasad
As for why-not the gentleman in New York (Narendra Bikram Shah), the
national consensus is the issue had better be understood than stated.
Though technically a CPN-UML appointee, Shah is a non- political
career diplomat whose handling of the affairs of the Permanent
Nepalese Mission to UN has been adjudged as "thoroughly professional"
by those who count in the present scheme of things.
The terms of senior career diplomats manning the shops in Moscow,
Cairo, Islamabad, Paris and Riyadh have not ended. However, the term
of Sundar Nath Bhattarai, ambassador in Bangkok, is up for termination
early next year.
Three NC-appointed ambassadors who were retained by the subsequent
CPN-UML government, Surya Prasad Shrestha (London), Lok Bahadur
Shrestha (Dhaka) and Durgesh Man Singh (Brussels) have not been
recalled. Informed sources indicated they will be allowed to complete
their normal terms.
By Hari Adhikary
What could be the enlightening reasons behind the abrupt loss of
zest, vigour and the spirit to fight of the fairly well-balanced
combination of three centrist political forces which constitutionally
uprooted the country's first communist government and took charge of
the governance some two months ago? Why is that, whatever be the
government,whether it is riding on a majority or a minority bandwagon,
is showing unfailing symptoms of failure to grapple with the festering
problems this poor nation is plagued by? These are the million-rupee
questions the confused and apprehensive commoners love to ask these
days, though, everybody knows, the answer to these complicated
questions of the hour is not readily available.
Lack of coordination? Frailty of the leadership ? Indecisiveness?
Woeful lack of determination and dedication? Inefficiency? Whatever
may be the reason or reasons, people think, the coalition in power has
failed to take off smoothly and is gradually losing its credibility as
a team which can deliver the fruits. It is perceived that the Deuba
cabinet unerringly imitates the snail in its movements(if one can call
it that) in making decisions and also in signalling prompt actions.
Critics blessed with more than the usual quota of imagination see the
three companions in power behaving as a mythical three-headed demon =97
each looking towards three different and convenient directions. The
split or lack of ideas in the coalition camp became more visible when
the out-in-the-open unabashed cross-voting took place in the National
Assmbly (NA) election last week that left political pundits' guessing
These utterly pessimistic observations notwithstanding, former
minister and ex-communist Nilambar Acharya still pins all his hopes on
the present 'coalition of political compulsion.' The bearded
Moscow-educated intellectual doesn't see any real cause for worry and
says, "The democratic system has been brought to the track, that is
the main thing. The sky will not fall now even if the coalition does
not function and is dismantled."
Analysing the coalition administration's performance, Acharya said,
"The government has been slow in both decision-making and
implementing. People are not happy. Their expectations have not been
fulfilled. The disenchantment with politics is on the rise. But these
negative trends of the moment, in no way, will affect the life of the
coalition. It will last long as there is no other viable alternative
in the picture, " Acharya told The Independent, Nov. 21. He, however
expressed his concern over the possibility of people's grievances
against the coaliton government going out of hand, which eventually
may take its toll.
Much has been pontificated on the fatal repercussions of the
unexpected National Assembly election results. The opposition camps
are in the throes of merry-making, predicting that the days of the
coalition is numbered. But nobody in the ruling alliance seems overtly
worried about the fate of the Deuba administration. Leave alone the
others, Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) Co- Chariman Rajeshwar
Devkota, who was portrayed as a national villain when he emerged
victorious in the NA election with the help of the 'ladder' readily
supplied by the CPN-UML, does not see any immediate threat to the
coalition government. In all the numerous interviews he has granted to
newspapers of late, the wily, diminutive politician has categorically
said, "The coalition is intact."
The NC activists are more explicit in their views on the fate of the
coalition. Many of them believe that the centrist coalition, if it
meets an early death, will die because of its failure to be true to
its committments. They dismiss the idea that Rajeshwar Devkota and his
likes would be able to burn a hole in the coalition uniform. "If Sher
Bahadur Deuba has to leave the highest office of the land prematurely,
it will not be due to the RPP but due to the Nepali Congress itself.
If Deuba and his partymen in power do not change their style of
governance, they are destined for doom," said Ishwar Ghimire, NC youth
leader, who served a six-year prison sentence during the pro-democracy
movement. "Quick decisions, steadfast commitment to the cause of
justice, a clean image and transparency in administration should have
been the order of the day. But, it seems, our leaders have directed
their attention to somewhere and something else," saidGhimire,
dripping with sarcasm.
The red army
Rolpa, one of the mid-western hill districts of Nepal, is considered
to be a bastion of the republican Maoist 'Reds', the Samyukta Jana
Morcha (SJM). The SJM boasts of 35, out of the 52 Village Development
Committee chiefs, and the District Development Committee Chairman,
JhakkuPrasad Sharma also owes his allegiance to the party.
Acting on the recent reports that the SJM has set up guerrilla
training camps in the jungles of Rolpa and also that a number of wars
are being staged by its activists against its political opponents, the
government has called for special police operation in the district.
"It is state-sponsored terror. The government is confiscating
household tools like knives,sickles and small guns in the name of
maintenance of law and order ," Shukti Lamsal, Central member of SJM
told The Independent. He denied that they were preparing for a
guerrilla warfare or were training guerrillas. However, he said, "We
have launched a janajagaran abhiyan (people's awareness campaign)
and has initiated social welfare activities." According to
Lamsal,their abhiyan consists of in camera meetings against
suppression, discrimination, and monarchy. The aim of the social work
programmes is to apply pressure on the local administration to
withdraw the charges levelled against their activists. Displaying a
great degree of confidence, Lamsal declared, "It is an open-secret
that we are against feudalistic exploitation and think that the
liberation of the common people is impossible until we throw the
monarchy out." The present democratic constitution of the Kingdom does
not provide for the kind of liberty SJM is setting its eyes on.
As per the version of SJM sources, the police recently arrested some
250 cadets while 66 are still in custody on the charges of
However, Home Ministry sources claim that only nine people, who
possessed illegal arms have been arrested. "Since most of the families
are of ex-army men, they own small guns,"defends Lamsal,who also edits
SJM mouthpiece Yojana (The Plan).
The government has formed a12-member task force under the convenorship
of National Assembly member Udhavdev Bhatta with the objective of
conducting studies on Nepal's foreign policy and to make Nepal's
economic diplomacy more dynamic and effective.
Former Chief Justice Biswanath Upadhyaya has been the most sought-
after celebrity in the majority of our press world for interviews and
addressing learned gatherings following the Supreme Court's landmark
judgements on the Tanakapur issue; legitimisation of Girija Koirala's
recommendation for mid-term; and quashing of Manmohan-initiated second
snap poll . Eulogised by the NC, RPP and the NSP parties, and lionised
by majority of our national press and community of lawyers, for his
role in asserting judicial independence and upholding the principles
of pluralistic democracy, Upadhyaya's frequent claim that the November
1990 constitution is one of the most progressive, becomes less
convincing in the lack of provision in it for a female heir to ascent
Nepal's throne in the absence of a male one. As pressure is mounting
on the government from leading Congress parliamentarians to extend
Nepal's support to India in her bid to secure permanent seat in the UN
Security Council and also to remove the CPN-UML appointees in
diplomatic missions abroad, the United States was the first country to
raise voice for the induction of Japan and Germany. While China is
Cut your coat...
No party should try to grab more than it deserves. It is unfair (on
the part of RPP) to have 13 ministerial berths out of 19 MPs.
=97 Former Minister Marshal Julum Shakya
in Jana Astha
Date: Tue, 28 Nov 95 17:21:08 JST
From: firstname.lastname@example.org (basant pant)
Subject: Response to InfoNepal and Nepal Concern
Please forgive me for writing on both of these "to be organizations" in the same message although they have some differences the approach looks similar. I would like to congratulate both Padm (P) and Kishor (K) for their venture. The key words of their organization"Improve in Nepal-Padm"
Date: Tue, 28 Nov 1995 09:36:00 -0500 (EST)
Subject: Nepal and Internet
Cross-posted from SCN:
In article <email@example.com>, firstname.lastname@example.org
>Hello, I was curious if anyone knew what the status of the internet is
>Last, I heard you could only send and receive messages. Additionaly,
>anyone know how much an account costs. Thanks for any information,
Very low bandwidth (4800bps) full-Internet connectivity is available in
Nepal through Mercantile Office Systems.
Another company, WorldLink, provides UUCP accounts. Charges are
calculated on a per kilobyte basis. You can get a rate as low as Rs. 6
per kilobyte. You can only send and receive email using this service.
Please contact me if you need further information.
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